Friday, April 12, 2019

Plenary session of the International Arctic Forum






Vladimir Putin attended the plenary session of 5th International Arctic Forum The Arctic: Territory of Dialogue.
April 9, 2019

Plenary session of 5th International Arctic Forum The Arctic: Territory of Dialogue.
16:50
St Petersburg
The theme of the sessionis The Arctic: An Ocean of Opportunity. President of the Republic of Finland Sauli Niinistö, President of the Republic of Iceland Guðni Thorlacius Jóhannesson, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Norway Erna Solberg and Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Sweden Stefan Löfven are taking part in the discussion.
The discussion is focused on the comprehensive development of Arctic territories, including the rational use of natural resources, environmental security, transport, protection of northern indigenous peoples’ interests and other aspects of sustainable growth in the Arctic region.
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Speech and answers to questions at the plenary session of 5th International Arctic Forum
President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr Niinistö, Mr Jóhannesson, Ms Solberg, Mr Löfven, ladies and gentlemen, friends,
I am happy to welcome you to St Petersburg, the northern capital of Russia whose history is closely connected with legendary Arctic expeditions, industrial exploration of this unique region and preservation of its nature and unique culture.
This is the fifth time that International Arctic Forum The Arctic: Territory of Dialoguebecomes a platform for an open discussion of the Arctic agenda. We thank our foreign guests and representatives of the Arctic Council countries for their readiness to team up and their understanding of our shared responsibility for the future of the Arctic and its stable and sustainable development.
In 2021, Russia will assume presidency of the Arctic Council. We invite all participants of the Council and other states to cooperate in the Arctic. The priorities of our presidency are vital for the Arctic development: promotion of sustainable technologies in all areas, including industry, transport and energy.
Today we are carrying out our projects in the Arctic, including global ones, based on the latest environmental standards. It is enough to mention the Yamal LNG project and the development of the Bovanenkovskoye and Kharasaveyskoye gas fields. Today, the Arctic accounts for over 10 percent of all investment in the Russian Federation. I am convinced that the importance of the Arctic factor in the Russian economy will only grow further.
This year we are going to draft and adopt a new strategy for the development of the Russian Arctic up to 2035. It is to combine measures stipulated in our national projects and state programmes, the investment plans of infrastructure companies and programmes for developing Arctic regions and cities.
All Arctic regions should be brought to the level of at least the national average in key socioeconomic indicators and living standards. I would like to emphasise that this task should not only be clearly defined in the new strategy of Arctic development but should also serve as a guide for the work of all federal departments and regional authorities of Russia. It is absolutely necessary to take into account the specific nature of the problems facing the indigenous minorities of the North.
Special attention should be paid to the development of transport and other support infrastructure. We are well aware that this is a necessary foundation for future investment and business initiatives. The construction of theNorthern Latitudinal Railway is a key infrastructure project. This railway will make it possible to start effective development of the natural riches of the Polar Urals and Yamal, and in the long-term, the north of Krasnoyarsk Territory of the Russian Federation. And we will certainly continue developing the global transport corridor that includes the Northern Sea Route and which will be functioning without fail year round.
Our goal to significantly boost the freight traffic and bring it up to 80 million tonnes by 2025 on the Northern Sea Route alone was outlined in the 2018 Address to the Federal Assembly. Just 10 to 15 years ago, this figure looked absolutely out of reach, whereas today it is a realistic, carefully calculated and concrete goal. As of last year, the volume of traffic on the Northern Sea Route already reached 20 million tonnes. This is three times – I reiterate – three times more than the Soviet record set in 1987, when the Soviet Union transported 6.5 million tonnes using this route. Now, it is 20 million tonnes.
In order for this global transport corridor to operate at full capacity, we will develop the communication and coastal infrastructure, including port facilities, navigation, and meteorological aids, and ensure safe commercial navigation.
We encourage our foreign partners to join us in our efforts to create hub ports at the end points of the route. I mean the Murmansk transport hub and port infrastructure in Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky. In addition, we plan to upgrade the Arctic coast harbours, including the river-sea traffic capabilities.
We will continue to update our icebreaker fleet and to increase the production of ice-class vessels. Three new nuclear-powered icebreakers, namely, the Arktika, the Sibir and the Ural, are being built here in St Petersburg, where we are now. By 2035, Russia's Arctic fleet will operate at least 13 heavy-duty linear icebreakers, including nine nuclear icebreakers.
To reiterate, our goal is to make the Northern Sea Route safe and lucrative for shippers, and appealing both in terms of the quality of services and price. In particular, the icebreaker escort fee must be competitive and reasonable. The state invests in this operation in order to minimise the tariff burden on carriers and other businesses.
Friends, we intend to use all of our investment support tools, including those that we have used successfully under programmes for the development of Russia’s Far Eastern regions, to launch new projects. These will include lower profit tax rates, reduced severance tax coefficients for mineral extraction, a notifying procedure for VAT refunds and a simplified procedure for providing land plots and invariable terms for implementing investment projects.
At the same time, with due consideration for the Arctic’s peculiarities, investors should and will receive more advanced and more stable preferences here.
I would now like to address our colleagues. The Government of Russia, as well as experts and the business community, have been instructed to draft a federal law on a special system of preferences for the Arctic zone’s investors. And I am asking you to do this quickly so Russia’s State Duma can pass the law during its fall session.
I would like to draw your attention to one more point. As you may know, the powers of the Ministry for the Development of Russia’s Far East have been expanded; now, the Arctic is also within its authority and is part of its responsibility. In this connection, it is logical to expand the work of Far Eastern development institutions to the Arctic as well. If necessary, we will expand the capitalisation of the Far East Development Fund for selective financing of Arctic projects.
Furthermore, we need a powerful research, HR and technological foundation for the region’s comprehensive development and for accomplishing unique and unconventional tasks in the high latitudes. We have begun establishing science and education centres in various Russian regions; they integrate the capabilities of universities, research institutes, the business community and the real economy. One of our Arctic regions will certainly receive such a centre that will ensure the development of fundamental research and will help address the applied and practical tasks of developing the Arctic.
We believe that the future belongs to active academic and university exchanges, international research teams and alliances of high-tech companies. We invite all our colleagues to take part in joint projects in shipbuilding, navigation safety, environmental protection, minerals production and bioresources harvesting.
The Arctic offers us immense challenges. And we can only respond effectively if we do it together. One such challenge, as I have told you, is to maintain balance between economic development and preservation of the Arctic environment, conservation of its unique and fragile ecosystems, and, of course, clean-up of the environmental damage accumulated through the economic activity in the past decades, which was extensive from time to time. We have been conducting a major clean-up of Arctic areas for a number of years. Starting in 2012, we have removed and utilised over 80,000 metric tonnes of waste.
In the coming years we will liquidate six major environmental damage sites in Arkhangelsk and Murmansk regions, in the Nenets Autonomous Area, Karelia and Yakutia as part of the Clean Country federal project. We are also to clean up over 200 square kilometres in the Kola Bay area.
We will also develop a system of specially protected natural territories and reserves. Above all, I mean the Russian Arctic national park. It is important to take additional measures to develop civilised ecotourism and build the required infrastructure there.
To conclude, I would like to thank all the participants and guests of our forum. I am certain that our constructive dialogue will help strengthen neighbourly relations and trust in the Arctic region, which means the peaceful and sustainable development of the Arctic.
Thank you.
<…>
John Fraher: So now I am delighted to open up the panel discussion, where we will touch on many of the issues that we’ve talked about in the opening speeches.
I would like to start with energy in the Arctic. And President Putin, you talked a lot about Russia expanding its energy infrastructure in the Arctic. Indeed, exploiting the Arctic reserves has been one of your grandest ambitions as president. And yet when you look at the global energy market and trends in the global energy market, we see that the world is moving towards renewable energy. The world is awash with US shale, and, as Rosneft has discovered, sanctions are making it much harder for Russia to do big offshore projects. I think it has been five years now since Rosneft struck oil in the Arctic.
So my question to you is, is there a risk that Russia has missed its chance here? That somehow this Arctic dream that you’ve had will end in disappointment?
Vladimir Putin: I would like to ask the moderator to give me two minutes for some comments on the speeches of my colleagues. Do you mind? Thank you very much.
First of all, we have discrepancies with Sauli [Niinistö] on data relating to warming in the Arctic. According to our data, the Arctic is warming four times faster than the rest of the world, and Russia is warming 2.5 times faster than the rest of the world. These may be different calculations, but both of these are really disturbing trends.
As for soot, I know this is a serious question, Sauli and I also discussed it. We also have different calculations concerning these emissions in different countries, including in Russia, the differences are dozens of times. But I gave him an example, told him that in the ancient sediments of ice, we can observe large inclusions of soot. It was in the Middle Ages, perhaps even earlier, when there were no industrial emissions. The fact is that a volcano may produce more emissions than humanity, whose emissions are associated with road transport. Nevertheless, this question is very important, and our experts are also working on it.
But what is extremely important, in my opinion, and here I fully agree with Sauli, is that if ships switch to more environmentally friendly types of fuel, and I mean primarily gas fuel, especially ships that navigate in the northern seas, in the Arctic zone, this is of course extremely important. It is absolutely obvious. And it would be necessary to encourage shipbuilding companies and carriers to use such types of transport and such fuel.
Now let us move on to your question: “Does Russia, as the region’s largest economy, do enough to ensure environmental security in the Arctic?” Sorry, but I must also correct you. Russia is not the largest economy in the Arctic region. According to the IMF, China ranks first in terms of purchasing power parity and economy. It significantly overtook the United States, 25 trillion already, if I am not mistaken.
John Fraher: But Mr President, is China an Arctic country? By your definition.
Vladimir Putin: I was patient, while you were saying all this, you too please bear with me.
The United States of America ranks second. And the United States of America, on a par with Canada, is a country in the Arctic zone. But unlike the United States, we signed and executed the Tokyo Agreement, and signed the Paris Agreement and are going to implement it. Moreover, Russia undertook to reduce emissions by 25–30 percent from the level of 1990. This is a large load. And as the President of Finland said, we are now planning the ratification; of course, we will do this after a comprehensive analysis of the consequences of the implementation of these decisions, but nevertheless we are moving in this direction.
Although I have already mentioned this, the causes of the warming are still unknown. We are not sure whether it is related to emissions or some other more global causes. This is the question. However, we cannot go wrong by reducing anthropogenic emissions, and Russia has undertaken such commitments. However, Russia is not the world’s largest economy. We rank sixth in terms of the volume of our economy and purchasing power parity. We come sixth after China, the United States, India, Japan and Germany. We will do our best to move up, of course.
Now, regarding “from here we will face a Swede, here the city will be laid, in spite of the arrogant neighbour” (A quote from Alexander Pushkin’s poem The Bronze Horseman, which the Prime Minister of Sweden Stefan Lofven quoted during his forum speech), I would like to mention another poem, Poltava. It has the following lines about the Battle of Poltava “Hurrah! The Swedes are broken…“ These lines come to mind when we watch the game between the Russian national football team and Tre Kronor. Unfortunately for our fans, we are unable to cite these lines too often now, because the brilliant Swedish hockey team is playing so well and thrills not only its own fans but ours as well and by the way everyone is united: sports unites our countries in a cultural sense. It would be nice, Mr Prime Minister, if a club of yours participated in the Continental Hockey League games. However, this is beside the point of our meeting today.
Now, regarding your question about whether Russia will miss something, or not, in terms of developing these resources. Of course, not.
First, the resources are truly enormous; they are of a global scale. According to preliminary estimates, we have about 13 billion tonnes of oil and 95 trillion cubic metres of natural gas. They represent colossal planetary reserves. We have already begun to develop them. Mr Mikhelson who is sitting across from me is in charge of the Yamal LNG project. This is an international project.
You mentioned restrictions. Yes, they do exist and they are harmful, of course, as well as sanctions, and everything else, but they cannot stop the process of Arctic development. To reiterate, no matter how the sanction tools work, the first shipment from Yamal LNG went to the United States. Funny, but true. And, I believe, trade continues uninterrupted as well. Because whenever our US partners and friends can benefit from something, they make whatever it is happen. If they find it is not lucrative, then they tend to tighten the screws. But only if they do not find it lucrative for themselves. They have not been paying much attention to the interests of other countries lately. Well, so, we will implement other projects, and we will expand this one as well.
How fast the humankind is moving towards replacing hydrocarbons with alternative sources is a different question. According to expert data, global energy consumption will increase in the coming decades, and the ratio between hydrocarbons and renewable sources, such as nuclear power and hydropower, will remain about the same.
Today (whether it is good or bad, but this is the case) this relationship between different sources remains unchanged. The total volume is up. Let us not forget that Russia is a vast country with hydropower capabilities, and we are expanding and will continue to expand nuclear energy. Nuclear power accounts for only 16 percent of energy generation. In France, it is already more than 90 percent, and we have only 16. We have to get to at least 25. Our neighbours, Finland, are going to build as well. And so on. So, we have not missed anything.
Now, with regard to whether the pressure of sanctions is getting in our way or not. Partly it is, but not in a critical way. To a certain extent, this even encourages us to actively develop our own technology.
Last year, we invested 600 billion rubles in import replacement (that is, to produce ourselves what we used to buy from abroad). (Addressing Maxim Oreshkin) How much was invested in import replacement last year? The Minister of Economic Development does not remember. About a billion rubles. This will continue, and we will continue to build up these efforts. Frankly, it has a positive effect. Of course, it would be better to do without any restrictions that distort the market and global trade and lead to a slowdown in the global economy. But the implementation of Russia’s plans to develop mineral resources will not get in the way of development, in general.
John Fraher: But do you not worry? Yes, you are right, the Yamal LNG story has been very successful to date, and no one doubts the fact that there are lots of deep oil and gas reserves in the Arctic, but getting them out of the sea is extremely expensive. Yes, it’s there, but do you think it is going to be economically viable for Russia to do this given the head… that we have talked about: sanctions, energy transition, etc.?
Vladimir Putin: I have told you that we do not see the transition. What we see is the man's efforts to develop alternative energy sources, but so far there is no critical transition from hydrocarbons to renewable sources – critical from the standpoint of those who produce oil, gas and coal. This is not even about oil, gas or residual oil. Currently, thermal power stations are using coal, not even residual oil, oil or gas. And gas, by the way, is the most eco-friendly type of fuel of all the hydrocarbon sources.
Coal is the most common fuel the world is burning today, and this is what we have to think about. And the volume of this remains the same. Some countries are reducing it, but overall it is not changing worldwide. This is the issue to consider. Basically, I do not see any threats here. By the way, here in Russia we are working to develop alternative energy sources as well; we are making an active effort and will continue to do so. But I do not see any threat here, there isn’t any.
Speaking of high costs, you mentioned oil production in, say, the United States. But we know how oil is extracted there – by hydraulic fracturing, the most environmentally hazardous method of extracting hydrocarbons. In certain US states, where oil is extracted using this method, people have dark sludge instead of clean tap water – you probably know this better than me. Efforts are probably made to rectify this, but it is a difficult task. The profitability of oil extracted using this method is much higher than extracting oil and gas in Russia in the most remote regions. That is why we feel confident in this regard.
What’s more, if oil falls below $40, oil production profitability and extraction growth will be questioned. Of course, technology is advancing, and the cost of such production will drop and fall below $40 a barrel; maybe it will be at $35–40 – but oil production costs are lower in Russia anyway, let alone gas; I won’t even cite figures so that I don’t scare anyone. It is much lower than in the United States or Europe, and even in certain oil-producing countries in the Middle East.
John Fraher: And one final question for you on the Arctic energy. Given that it is still quite expensive to get oil and gas out of the Arctic, and given these problems we have talked about, are there any tax breaks for Russian companies to make it all worthwhile? Can we expect more of them?
Vladimir Putin: I have already said that we are planning to create, are creating and will keep creating an environment that is beneficial for the companies working in the harsh Arctic conditions. This is not just about underdeveloped infrastructure, but about the need to invest in technology that would 100 percent ensure the conservation of nature. It is so fragile in the Arctic region; we all know that, every colleague of mine sitting here knows all about it. That is the first thing.
Second, when organising work like this, we have to think about the interests of the indigenous peoples of the North. Their interests are an additional burden on the companies, and the state must take on that burden to a large extent as well.
<…>
John Fraher: President Putin, do you want to get in on that? [John Fraher’s discussion with Norwegian Prime Minister, President of Iceland, Swedish Prime Minister and President of Finland].
Vladimir Putin: Yes, I do; actually, I am eager to.
Once again we return to sanctions, to Crimea and so forth. If I am not mistaken, Crimea is not part of the Arctic region, but I would like to say a few words nevertheless. We all came here to discuss issues related to the Artic region. We would not like to see the Arctic turn into something akin to Crimea and Crimea turn into a desert as a result of certain measures not being taken in time (and a crime, as is well known to lawyers, can either be an act of commission or an act of omission), as a result of our criminal omission. That is what all of us must think about today. That is what all of us are discussing today, too.
These are not just empty words, by the way; if you take a look at the sediments discovered in the Arctic, you will find the remains of tropical plants, tropical animals. This means, this happened before, some time in history. We must understand what is going on with the planet, and act together accordingly.
I will make another historical digression. A lot of time has passed since our reformer Peter the Great and romantic King Charles XII of Sweden fought against each other and divided the territories. Now there are problems that we are discussing today that can only be resolved through concerted effort. This is the reason we’re meeting here today. I think our meeting will be useful.
As for the EU and the exchange of sanction strikes, you are certainly aware of things. Bloomberg cannot fail to know this. Based on European Commission estimates, I think in 2015 or 2016 the European Union lost about 50 billion euros, while Russia lost about 25–26 billion euros. It is clear that the EU is losing more than us.
The German numbers, in the estimate of analysts from Germany, missed gains run as much as 56 billion, whereas ours are three times less. But we are not happy about losing less. No, I am saying that there are common losses and this means real damage.
Now, regarding the very character of the sanctions.
First, for any sanction to be legal it needs to be authorized by the UN Security Council. But this is not happening, so they are illegal. This is the first point.
And now the second point that I consider the most important one. For some reason nobody imposes sanctions for interfering in the domestic affairs of other countries, for disrupting internal political life or for shattering entire states. Nobody imposes sanctions against those who reduce countries to a position where they are compelled to take certain measures to protect their interests.
Let’s just return to the observance of the basic rules of international law and the UN Charter. Probably, in this case there will be no need to think about the aftermath of bombing Yugoslavia or other things linked to such flagrant violations of international law and their consequences.
Let’s simply return to normal political life and realise that the world is interdependent and that we should work together to achieve a common result.
John Fraher: Mr President, you are known everywhere as a realist, as a pragmatist; you might not feel like sanctions are fair, but a lot of European powers still feel strongly that they need to stay in place. What is your feeling on how long these sanctions are going to last? Are they going to last ten more years? Is this Russia’s future as far as the eye can see?
Vladimir Putin: Russia’s future does not depend on sanctions. Russia’s future only depends on how effectively we will be able to transform our political system, how democratic it will be, how well it will bring to the surface the healthiest forces in society and the creative energy of our citizens. On how effectively we will be able to harness it, how well we will be able to utilise the internal resources of the Russian economy.
I said that we invested over 600 billion last year (637, I think) in import replacement. And it has been effective. We have great science and education. We must keep it all in proper shape and move forward. And I am confident that we can do so, including when implementing the national projects.
Sanctions (if we want them to work) are a tool which must be in the sole possession of the United Nations Security Council. All other matters should be resolved through dialogue rather than imposing one’s own agenda on other countries. That is all there is to it.
Today, sanctions are being used not as a tool of geopolitical struggle but simply as an element of competition. Take Nord Stream 2, for example. Our US friends are fighting it. But it is definitely profitable for our European partners. “No, do not build it!” It is hard to work with the European Union as there are many countries there and nearly everything is decided by consensus.
We have already worked with Turkey to build TurkStream along the Black Sea bed. TurkStream will launch later this year. Yet we still cannot come to terms with the Europeans. Our US partners opposed, in exactly the same way, the “pipes for gas” project in the 1960s that we pursued with the Federal Republic of Germany. It was exactly the same.
It was the same with Nord Stream 1. What would global energy look like now if there were no Nord Stream 1? I can give you the answer. Prices would be even higher than they are now, simple as that. Do you want to buy mineral resources at higher prices? No.
I do not know what else should be done to pressure the European countries. Only to make up the difference between our natural gas and US LNG from their national budgets because it is impossible under market conditions to make customers buy 30 percent more expensive goods. It is impossible, they will just refuse to buy. Households will not simply pay up.
So what must be done to break even? To cover the difference with funds from the budget. But this is the height of cynicism. I think if things keep going like this, it will happen. But it is not our choice, it is our European partners’ choice.
How about demands to increase defence spending? What do you think this is connected with? Do you think it is connected with the overall deterioration of the international situation? No, it is just a pretext. The main motive is to fill up the US military-industrial complex with additional European money. This is where the main answers lie.
And for this not to happen, let us go back to abiding by the elementary norms of international law. We have spoken about that many times.
<…>
John Fraher: President Putin, with apologies to the rest of the panel, there are a few international topics that I’d just like to focus on for a moment. I know that the last time that we met in Moscow, a year and a half ago, you scolded me for monopolising too much of your time at the expense of your guests, but I promise I will get back to the Arctic, I will not monopolise you too much. But the first thing I would like to talk to you about is actually relevant to the conversation we’ve had here. You talked earlier about energy prices, and Russia is keeping the world guessing in terms of what it is going to do about production cuts. We have an OPEC meeting coming up in June. Can I first ask you, do you agree with your Energy Minister that oil prices, as they stand now, are broadly acceptable for Russia?
Vladimir Putin: I think the Russian Ministry of Energy should agree with my opinion. I would prioritise our work appropriately. And I must tell you that common practice in the Russian Government is to always keep in touch, always discuss these issues collectively, keeping in mind the interests of the Russian economy and its various sectors.
We do not advocate the uncontrolled growth of prices, because even though we aim to diversify the Russian economy, even now, it is not entirely dependent on oil and gas, but also on industrial production. But domestic industrial production is also affected by exorbitant price increases.
Therefore, we are balanced on the development of the global energy market. We are quite satisfied with today's prices, and we see production volumes in the United States growing. Yes, the United States consumes significantly more than we do. We produce 11.5 million barrels per day, but in the US, output is even higher now.
This situation suits us as it is today, but we closely watch the market of course, together with our partners, primarily the major oil producers like Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states. We agreed that if cooperation is required, we will meet and discuss it in the second half of the year.
In any case, we are ready to cooperate further with OPEC to work out common solutions. I would be that careful with wording. We will be ready to continue cooperating. As to whether that cooperation implies another decrease, or keeping production flat as it is now, I cannot say yet.
We have plans for our companies to develop new deposits, and we also approach this carefully. We understand that production should not stop, investment should flow into the industry, otherwise it can also create problems for us and for the global energy industry. So, we will find balanced solutions. But we will continue to cooperate with OPEC.
And I would still like to return to your previous question about these tensions. In reality, I do not see any particular military tensions here in the Arctic. They do not exist. The only thing is that NATO held the region’s largest exercises. This is true. We do not conduct such exercises in the region. We held large-scale exercises but very far from NATO’s zone of responsibility. It was in the East. This is the first point.
Second, I would like everyone to know that we invite foreign observers to all of our exercises without exception. Always. We have certain agreements. We have always had them.
Now about aircraft. Our combat aircraft do not fly over Norwegian territory. They have not and, I hope, will not fly there. Yes, they fly in the neutral air space. The aircraft of the country near which our aircraft routes pass, accompany them. Madame Prime Minister is right. We also accompany NATO aircraft if they fly near our borders or ships. So I do not see any major threats here. These activities should simply be kept under control.
As a representative of a neutral country, the President of Finland suggested some time ago that war planes should fly with switched on transponders, that is, devices that identify aircraft. We agreed and instantly submitted this proposal in the framework of our relations with NATO. NATO’s reply was negative. Go and ask them why they do not agree.
I think this is an absolutely sound proposal. Technically, this is not a simple solution but I gave relevant instructions to the General Staff and the Defence Ministry and they are ready to implement them. Let NATO do the same. In this case it will be clear what aircraft, military aircraft, is flying and where it is located at any given moment. We are an order of magnitude less active in the Baltic and the Arctic than NATO. It is necessary to know this.
John Fraher: Can I just bring you back one last time to OPEC and then we can move on. It sounds like you still stay much in wait-and-see mode when it comes to production cuts, but do you think that the crises that we are seeing in Venezuela, in Iran and now in Libya mean that cuts are no longer needed to support prices? Did they make it less likely that we will need cuts to support prices?
Vladimir Putin: Yes, of course, we are thinking about it. Indeed, the crisis in Venezuela and Iran, but actually, there is no crisis in Iran – only the sanctions that restrict the country’s access to world markets. In some African countries, including Libya, yes, we see all this and take it into account. And this is what I had in mind when I said that we would closely monitor the market. We also keep in mind that the global consumption of hydrocarbons, including oil, increases in the summer. We will see.
But at this time the world's reserves do not require any special action. Our companies have plans, as I said, to develop new deposits, so we must also consider this and assist our companies. We can provide different kinds of assistance. They can start drilling now, or we can ensure them a break-even or profitable operation using various state support tools. We have our own opinions on this. We will closely monitor the market, and will make decisions based on the situation. But cooperation with OPEC will continue.
John Fraher: So, I will give this question one last attempt. So the big question is, will Russia agree to extend production cuts to the end of September? Is that more likely or less likely?
Vladimir Putin: We haven’t actually reduced it, just refrained from increasing it. But if the market situation develops in such a way that reserves increase dramatically, for example, if the United States were to seize Venezuelan oil and quickly increase availability in world markets, load their own refineries to capacity, and channel their oil to the world market.
Or these may be some other positive developments, let's say in Libya, from the political point of view, suppose the country stabilises overall, and enters world markets. Or suddenly, someone decides it’s time to let up on Iran, but to try and create conditions for Iran and Israel to agree somehow, and the situation normalises, and Iran sends additional crude to the markets. Then we would need to consider the changes and make an appropriate decision. You are trying to squeeze a more specific answer from me – but you are not getting it. We will cooperate with OPEC and make a decision depending on the market.
John Fraher: I am a journalist; I have to do my best. So I have one final question for you on international affairs before we bring it back to the Arctic.
Vladimir Putin: I beg the pardon of my colleagues, but I have nothing to do with it.
John Fraher: You can blame me, it’s all my fault, but we will get back to it.
Before this panel, we reached out to users of Bloomberg social media platform. It is called TicToc and it attracts an audience of younger news consumers around the world. A lot of the questions that we have from them were about environmental matters that we have talked about, but unsurprisingly, and I think you know what is coming here, the question of Russia’s relations with the US also came up. So I wanted to spend just a couple of minutes on that and then we will move on.
At the Helsinki summit, Trump invited you to Washington. Now that the Mueller report is out of the way, do you think that Trump would be better able to deliver on his promise of good relations with Russia? And are you expecting an invitation to the White House this year?
Vladimir Putin: You know, we have a good book called The Twelve Chairs and there is a line in it: “Come visit us, my old mother will be very happy. But he did not leave his address.”
The time must be ripe. We said from the very start that this notorious commission of Mr Mueller will not find anything because nobody knows this better than us. Russia has not interfered in any elections in the United States. This is the first point.
Second, there was no collusion between Trump and Russia, which is what Mr Mueller was looking for. I was not acquainted with Mr Trump. Yes, he came to Moscow but as a businessman and, frankly speaking, this was not a big event for us. This is sheer nonsense designed exclusively for domestic consumption and used in the internal politics of the US.
So we knew a mountain was being made out of a molehill, so to speak, because we knew how it would end beforehand. I was telling you this the whole time. Now it has come to pass, but it did not make the domestic political situation in the US any easier. Now new excuses are being sought to attack President Trump.
It seems to me (excuse the digression) that this points to something of a crisis in the US political system itself. Look at what is happening. The groups that are attacking the duly elected President do not agree with the choice made by the American people. They are nullifying the result.
This amounts to a crisis of the political system. We have never seen anything like this in US history before. Yes, there may be a fierce campaign but once a nominee wins, everyone accept it. This was always the case and all people united around the head of state to meet common national challenges. We are not seeing anything of the kind in the US now. On the contrary, the rift is deepening.
Do you understand what happened? They put their group or party interests above the national interest. This is what happened.
I am not at all defending President Trump. Our positions differ on lots of issues. Numerous sanctions have been introduced against Russia under his administration. Naturally, we do not and will never agree with this and consider it counterproductive. But if full-scale, equitable dialogue between the US and Russia is restored, including the discussion of disarmament issues that are of interest both to us and all humankind, we will only be too happy. We are ready for this.
John Fraher: President Trump says he feels vindicated by the Mueller report. President Putin, on a personal level, after everything that has happened – President Trump calls it a witch hunt – after everything that has happened, do you feel happy for him on a personal level? On the outcome of the Mueller report?
Vladimir Putin: President Trump knows best. We know from US history what a witch hunt is. It is a dark chapter in US history. We would rather it never repeats.
John Fraher: I have one final question on this. At the famous Helsinki press conference… One more, last one, I promise. You said that you hoped Trump would win the 2016 election because he promised to make relations with Russia better. Right now, do you want him to win again in 2020?
Vladimir Putin: You know, I have already said that we disagree on many international issues, on problems related to the resolution of some crises. But we also have some elements of cooperation. However different the approaches we take to settling the Syrian crisis, there is still cooperation there, we work together.
We have common problems in the Arctic, and we have gathered here, by the way, to solve and discuss them. The United States has many interests of its own in the Arctic zone. We face many problems related to climate change in general. We know that the US did not sign the Paris Agreement, and the US Administration has its own reasons and logic. I am not among those who feel the current Administration should be attacked for this, we just need to engage in dialogue.
And in that case I think we will be able to try to find a common solution. Because it is hard to expect effective work from the international community without US participation in the process, or China’s or India’s participation, for example. The US is a big emitter. It is obvious, and we must acknowledge it. This is why a solution must be found, the US should be brought on board and invited to engage in dialogue. On the whole, as I see it, Mr Trump does not refuse. That is number one, and even number two.
Third, I feel that many bilateral matters are currently perceived under the pressure of the domestic political situation. We hope when the situation gets back to normal, prospects will open for cooperation, including bilateral, on the issues I mentioned. And they include terrorism, epidemics and the environment. Actually, there are many issues, including arms control.
I think we are all interested in that but we will start working when the conditions in the US are right. It does not depend on whether we want it or not. What does that even mean, to want it or not? This is not an area where such categories can be applied. We respect the choice of the American people. We are ready to work with their president whoever it might be.
John Fraher: I’ve been told that we are coming to the end of our time, so I would like to close by asking each of you, perhaps in 90 seconds, or as short as you can, to sum up, I guess to answer this question. As the Arctic opens up… One moment. President Putin.
Vladimir Putin: Excuse me, there is something very important, as far as the Northern Sea Route is concerned. Say it takes you 33 days to get from Yokohama to Rotterdam via the Indian Ocean and 20 days via the Northern Sea Route, as the distance between these cities via the Northern Sea Route is slightly over 7,000 kilometres – 7,300 – and is almost 12,000 kilometres via the Indian Ocean. This is the point – it saves you a lot of fuel and time, and so, of course, it will be very attractive not only to China, Japan, South Korea and Indonesia but it may even evolve into a very interesting and promising area of international cooperation that will bring people together, rather than drive them apart.
John Fraher: Understood.
So as we wrap up, I would like to ask each of you to tell me, perhaps in 90 seconds, what you see as the biggest opportunity as the Arctic opens up and the biggest risk or the biggest source of worry, as the Arctic opens up.
Vladimir Putin: I believe the development of the Arctic is likely to give us the following main advantages.
First, as I mentioned earlier, these are global resources and they should work for the benefit of humankind. It is important that they are used in the service of humankind, in keeping with certain international rules and agreements between the countries of the region and other players. This is the most important thing, on a par with the need to make use of additional transit and communications opportunities.
I believe the main threat is, primarily, the threat to the environment. We are worried about polar bears. This is a figure of speech; we are worried about the fauna in general, as risks related to warming and, probably, to the development of the Arctic and economic activity in the area will grow. We must take this into consideration. That is why it is so important that we have gathered today and will continue to meet, including at the Arctic Council headed by our colleague to my left.
All decisions by the Arctic Council are nothing more than recommendations but these are very important recommendations, which have great moral and political significance and all players implementing their national projects cannot fail to take them into account. This work has to be coordinated. So, cooperation in the Arctic offers a good example – and it is also an important advantage of how we can jointly look for solutions to the issues on the global agenda.

Thank you very much. I would like to express my gratitude to you and my colleagues who came to St Petersburg today to discuss these issues.

Sunday, March 3, 2019

Birthday greetings to Mikhail Gorbachev







Vladimir Putin extended his birthday greetings to Mikhail Gorbachev, President of the International Foundation for Socio-Economic and Political Studies.

March 2, 2019
16:00

The message reads, in part,

“You are known both in our country and abroad as a respected statesman and public figure with tremendous professional and life experience.


It is gratifying that you have not moved to the sidelines, but are actively engaged in expert discussions on key issues of the international agenda and make a significant contribution to developing open substantive dialogue on crucial contemporary matters.

Thursday, February 28, 2019

CH -- VLADIMIR PUTIN: 俄罗斯总统普京对联邦议会的讲话摘录








Excerpt of the Presidential Address to Federal Assembly

Excerpt of the Presidential Address to Federal Assembly
The President of Russia delivered the Address to the Federal Assembly. The ceremony took place in Gostiny Dvor.
February 20, 2019
13:30
Moscow

总统对联邦议会的讲话摘录
俄罗斯总统向联邦议会发表了讲话。国情咨文在戈斯尼德沃举行。
2019220
1330
莫斯科

President of Russia, Vladimir Putin: 
俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京:
Colleagues, Russia has been and always will be a sovereign and independent state. This is a given. It will either be that, or will simply cease to exist. We must clearly understand this. Without sovereignty, Russia cannot be a state. Some countries can do this, but not Russia.
同僚们,俄罗斯一直并将永远是一个主权和独立的国家。这是命运给我们的一个礼物。要么就是一个主权和独立的国家,要么就灭亡。我们必须清楚地认识到这一点。没有主权,俄罗斯就不能成为一个国家。有些国家可以这样做,但俄罗斯不行。

Building relations with Russia means working together to find solutions to the most complex matters instead of trying to impose solutions. We make no secret of our foreign policy priorities. These include strengthening trust, countering global threats, promoting cooperation in the economy and trade, education, culture, science and technology, as well as facilitating people-to-people contact. These tenets underpin our work within the UN, the Commonwealth of Independent States, as well as within the Group of 20, BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.
与俄罗斯建立关系意味着要共同寻找解决最复杂问题的办法,而不是试图强加解决办法。我们对我们的外交政策重点毫不掩饰。这些措施包括加强信任、应对全球威胁、促进经贸、教育、文化、科技等领域的合作,以及促进人与人之间的联系。这些原则支持我们在联合国、独立国家联合体、20国集团、金砖四国和上海合作组织的工作。

We believe in the importance of promoting closer cooperation within the Union State of Russia and Belarus, including close foreign policy and economic coordination. Together with our integration partners within the Eurasian Economic Union, we will continue creating common markets and outreach efforts. This includes implementing the decisions to coordinate the activities of the EAEU with China’s Belt and Road initiative on the way to a greater Eurasian partnership.
我们相信,在促进俄罗斯和白俄罗斯在国家合并的基础上,进行内部更密切的合作,包括密切的外交政策和经济协调是至关重要的我们将与欧亚经济联盟内的一体化伙伴一道,继续创造共同的市场和推广努力。这包括在欧亚经济联盟与中国的一带一路倡议之间进行协调,以实现更大的欧亚伙伴关系。

Russia’s equal and mutually beneficial relations with China currently serve as an important factor of stability in international affairs and in terms of Eurasian security, offering a model of productive economic cooperation. Russia attaches importance to realising the potential of the special privileged strategic partnership with India. We will continue to promote political dialogue and economic cooperation with Japan. Russia stands ready to work with Japan on finding mutually acceptable terms for signing a peace treaty. We intend to promote deeper ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
俄罗斯与中国平等互利的关系,是当前国际事务稳定和欧亚安全的重要因素,是一种富有成效的经济合作模式。俄罗斯重视实现与印度的特殊战略伙伴关系的潜力。我们将继续推动与日本的政治对话和经济合作。俄罗斯愿意与日本合作,为签署和平条约寻找双方都能接受的条件。我们打算加强与东南亚国家联盟的联系。

We also hope that the European Union and the major European countries will finally take actual steps to put political and economic relations with Russia back on track. People in these countries are looking forward to cooperation with Russia, which includes corporations, as well as small and medium-sized enterprises, and European businesses in general. It goes without saying that this would serve our common interests.
我们也希望欧盟和主要欧洲国家最终采取实际步骤,使与俄罗斯的政治和经济关系回到正轨。这些国家的人民期待与俄罗斯合作,俄罗斯有大企业、中小企业和欧洲企业。毫无疑问,这将符合我们的共同利益。

The unilateral withdrawal of the USA from the INF Treaty is the most urgent and most discussed issue in Russian-American relations. This is why I am compelled to talk about it in more detail. Indeed, serious changes have taken place in the world since the Treaty was signed in 1987. Many countries have developed and continue to develop these weapons, but not Russia or the USA – we have limited ourselves in this respect, of our own free will. Understandably, this state of affairs raises questions. Our American partners should have just said so honestly rather than make far-fetched accusations against Russia to justify their unilateral withdrawal from the Treaty.
美国单方面退出《中程弹道导弹条约》是俄美关系中最紧迫、讨论最多的问题。这就是为什么我不得不更详细地讨论它。事实上,自1987年条约签署以来,世界发生了重大变化。许多国家已经发展并继续发展这些武器,但不是俄罗斯或美国——我们在这方面限制了我们自己的自由意志。可以理解的是,这种情况给我们造成了问题。我们的美国伙伴应该诚实地这么说,而不是对俄罗斯进行牵强的指控,以证明他们单方面退出条约是正当的。

It would have been better if they had done what they did in 2002 when they walked away from the ABM Treaty and did so openly and honestly. Whether that was good or bad is another matter. I think it was bad, but they did it and that is that. They should have done the same thing this time, too. What are they doing in reality? First, they violate everything, then they look for excuses and appoint a guilty party. But they are also mobilising their satellites that are cautious but still make noises in support of the USA. At first, the Americans began developing and using medium-range missiles, calling them discretionary “target missiles” for missile defence. Then they began deploying Mk-41 universal launch systems that can make offensive combat use of Tomahawk medium-range cruise missiles possible.
如果他们在2002年放弃《反导条约》并公开、诚实地这么做的话,情况会更好。这是好是坏是另一回事。我觉得很糟糕,但他们还是这么做了,就是这样。他们这次也应该做同样的事情。他们实际上在做什么?首先,他们什么都违反了,然后他们寻找借口,指定一个替罪羊但他们也在动员谨慎但仍在制造噪音以支持美国的卫星。起初,美国人开始开发和使用中程导弹,称其为导弹防御的目标导弹。然后他们开始部署MK-41通用发射系统,使战斧中程巡航导弹的进攻性战斗成为可能。

I am talking about this and using my time and yours because we have to respond to the accusations that are leveled at us. But having done everything I have just described, the Americans openly and blatantly ignored the provisions envisaged by articles 4 and 6 of the INF Treaty. According to Item 1, Article VI (I am quoting): “Each Party shall eliminate all intermediate-range missiles and the launchers of such missiles… so that… no such missiles, launchers… shall be possessed by either party.” Paragraph 1 of Article VI provides that (and I quote) “upon entry into force of the Treaty and thereafter, neither Party may produce or flight-test any intermediate-range missile, or produce any stages or launchers of such missiles.” End of quote.
我在谈论这件事,并利用我和你的时间,因为我们必须回应对我们提出的指控。但是,在做了我刚才所描述的一切之后,美国人公开和公然地忽略了《中程弹道导弹条约》第4条和第6条所设想的条款。根据第六条第1项(我引用):每一方应消除所有中程导弹和此类导弹的发射装置……以便……任何一方不得拥有此类导弹、发射装置……”,第六条第1款规定,在条约生效后,以及此后,任何一方不得生产或试飞任何中程导弹,或生产任何阶段或发射这种导弹。引言结束。

Using medium-range target missiles and deploying launchers in Romania and Poland that are fit for launching Tomahawk cruise missiles, the US has openly violated these clauses of the Treaty. They did this some time ago. These launchers are already stationed in Romania and nothing happens. It seems that nothing is happening. This is even strange. This is not at all strange for us, but people should be able to see and understand it.
使用中程弹道导弹,在罗马尼亚和波兰部署适合发射战斧巡航导弹的发射装置,美国公开违反了该条约的这些条款。他们早就这么做了。这些发射器已经驻扎在罗马尼亚,什么也没有发生。似乎什么都没有发生。这甚至很奇怪。这对我们来说一点也不奇怪,但人们应该能够看到并理解它。

How are we evaluating the situation in this context? I have already said this and I want to repeat: Russia does not intend – this is very important, I am repeating this on purpose – Russia does not intend to deploy such missiles in Europe first. If they really are built and delivered to the European continent, and the United States has plans for this, at least we have not heard otherwise, it will dramatically exacerbate the international security situation, and create a serious threat to Russia, because some of these missiles can reach Moscow in just 10–12 minutes. This is a very serious threat to us. In this case, we will be forced, I would like to emphasise this, we will be forced to respond with mirror or asymmetric actions. What does this mean?
在这种情况下,我们如何评估这种情况?我已经说过了,我想重申:俄罗斯不打算——这非常重要,我是故意重复——俄罗斯不打算首先在欧洲部署这种导弹。如果这些导弹真的被建造并运送到欧洲大陆,而美国对此有计划,至少我们没有听到其他消息,它将极大地加剧国际安全局势,并对俄罗斯造成严重威胁,因为其中一些导弹可以在10-12分钟内抵达莫斯科。这对我们是一个非常严重的威胁。在这种情况下,我们将被迫,我想强调一下,我们将被迫以对称或非对称的行动作出反应。这是什么意思

I am saying this directly and openly now, so that no one can blame us later, so that it will be clear to everyone in advance what is being said here. Russia will be forced to create and deploy weapons that can be used not only in the areas we are directly threatened from, but also in areas that contain decision-making centres for the missile systems threatening us.
我现在直截了当地公开地说了这句话,这样以后就不会有人责怪我们了,这样每个人都可以提前知道这里说的是什么。俄罗斯将被迫制造和部署高超音速武器,这些武器不仅可以直接威胁我们的地区使用,还可以那些含有敌方导弹系统控制中心的地区使用,因为那些系统威胁着我们。

What is important in this regard? There is some new information. These weapons will fully correspond to the threats directed against Russia in their technical specifications, including flight times to these decision-making centres.
在这方面,什么是重要的?有一些新信息。我们的高超音速武器将完全符合敌方武器技术规格中针对俄罗斯的威胁,包括飞往敌方控制中心的飞行时间。

We know how to do this and will implement these plans immediately, as soon as the threats to us become real. I do not think we need any further, irresponsible exacerbation of the current international situation. We do not want this.
我们知道如何做到这一点,一旦对我们构成威胁,我们将立即实施这些计划。我认为我们不需要进一步不负责任地加剧当前的国际形势。我们不想要这个。

What would I like to add? Our American colleagues have already tried to gain absolute military superiority with their global missile defence project. They need to stop deluding themselves. Our response will always be efficient and effective.
我想补充什么?我们的美国同事已经试图通过他们的全球导弹防御计划获得绝对的军事优势。他们需要停止自欺欺人。我们的反应总是有效的。

The work on promising prototypes and weapon systems that I spoke about in my Address last year continues as scheduled and without disruptions. We have launched serial production of the Avangard system, which I have already mentioned today. As planned, this year, the first regiment of the Strategic Missile Troops will be equipped with Avangard. The Sarmat super-heavy intercontinental missile of unprecedented power is undergoing a series of tests. The Peresvet laser weapon and the aviation systems equipped with Kinzhal hypersonic ballistic missiles proved their unique characteristics during test and combat alert missions while the personnel learned how to operate them. 
我在去年的演讲中谈到的关于有前途的原型和武器系统的工作按计划进行,没有中断。我们已经推出了先锋高超音速武器系列产品,我今天已经提到过了。按照计划,今年第一团战略导弹部队将装备先锋。具有空前威力的萨马特超重型洲际导弹正在进行一系列试验。佩雷斯韦特激光武器和装备了金扎尔高超音速弹道导弹的航空系统在试验和作战警报任务中证明了它们的独特特性,同时人员学会了如何操作它们

Next December, all the Peresvet missiles supplied to the Armed Forces will be put on standby alert. We will continue expanding the infrastructure for the MiG-31 interceptors carrying Kinzhal missiles. The Burevestnik nuclear-powered cruise missile of unlimited range and the Poseidon nuclear-powered unmanned underwater vehicle of unlimited range are successfully undergoing tests.
明年12月,所有提供给武装部队的佩雷斯韦特导弹将进入待命状态。我们将继续扩大携带金扎导弹的米格-31拦截弹的基础设施。伯韦斯特尼克无射程核动力巡航导弹和波塞冬无射程核动力水下无人驾驶飞行器正在成功地进行试验。

In this context, I would like to make an important statement. We did not announce it before, but today we can say that as soon as this spring the first nuclear-powered submarine carrying this unmanned vehicle will be launched. The work is going as planned.
在这方面,我想做一个重要的声明。我们以前没有宣布过,但今天我们可以说,今年春天,第一艘搭载这种无人驾驶飞行器的核动力潜艇将被下水。工作按计划进行。

Today I also think I can officially inform you about another promising innovation. As you may remember, last time I said we had more to show but it was a little early for that. So I will reveal little by little what else we have up our sleeves. Another promising innovation, which is successfully being developed according to plan, is Tsirkon, a hypersonic missile that can reach speeds of approximately Mach 9 and strike a target more than 1,000 km away both under water and on the ground. It can be launched from water, from surface vessels and from submarines, including those that were developed and built for carrying Kalibr high-precision missiles, which means it comes at no additional cost for us.
今天我还想我可以正式通知你另一个有希望的创新。你可能还记得,上次我说我们有更多的东西要展示,但现在还为时过早。所以我会一点一点地透露我们袖子里还有什么。另一个很有希望的创新是奇尔肯,它是一种高超音速导弹,能够在水下和地面上以大约9马赫的速度攻击1000多公里以外的目标。它可以从水、水面舰艇和潜艇发射,包括那些为携带卡利布高精度导弹而开发和制造的潜艇,这意味着它对我们来说不需要额外的费用。

On a related note, I want to highlight that for the defence of Russia’s national interests, two or three years ahead of the schedule set by the state arms programme, the Russian Navy will receive seven new multipurpose submarines, and construction will begin on five surface vessels designed for the open ocean. Sixteen more vessels of this class will enter service in the Russian Navy by 2027.
在一份相关说明中,我要强调的是,为了维护俄罗斯的国家利益,比国家武器计划规定的时间表提前两三年,俄罗斯海军将接收七艘新的多用途潜艇,并将在五艘为公海设计的水面舰艇上开始建造。到2027年,这一级别的16艘舰艇将在俄罗斯海军服役。

To conclude, on the unilateral withdrawal by the USA from the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, here is what I would like to say. The US policy toward Russia in recent years can hardly be called friendly. Russia’s legitimate interests are being ignored, there is constant anti-Russia campaigning, and more and more sanctions, which are illegal in terms of international law, are imposed without any reason whatsoever. Let me emphasise that we did nothing to provoke these sanctions. The international security architecture that took shape over the past decades is being completely and unilaterally dismantled, all while referring to Russia as almost the main threat to the USA.
最后,关于美国单方面退出《消除中程和短程导弹条约》,我想说的是。近年来美国对俄罗斯的政策几乎不能称之为友好政策。俄罗斯的合法利益被忽视,反俄运动不断,越来越多的制裁在国际法上是非法的,没有任何理由。让我强调一下,我们没有采取任何措施来挑起这些制裁。过去几十年中形成的国际安全架构正在被完全单方面地拆除,所有这些都将俄罗斯称为对美国的几乎主要威胁

Let me say outright that this is not true. Russia wants to have sound, equal and friendly relations with the USA. Russia is not threatening anyone, and all we do in terms of security is simply a response, which means that our actions are defensive. We are not interested in confrontation and we do not want it, especially with a global power like the United States of America. However, it seems that our partners fail to notice the depth and pace of change around the world and where it is headed. They continue with their destructive and clearly misguided policy. This hardly meets the interests of the USA itself. But this is not for us to decide.
我直截了当地说这不是真的。俄罗斯希望与美国保持良好、平等和友好的关系。俄罗斯不会威胁任何人,我们在安全方面所做的一切只是一种回应,这意味着我们的行动是防御性的。我们对对抗不感兴趣,也不想对抗,特别是像美国这样的全球大国。然而,我们的合作伙伴似乎没有注意到世界各地变化的深度和速度,以及变化的方向。他们继续实施他们的破坏性政策,显然是被误导了。这几乎不符合美国本身的利益。但这不由我们来决定。

We can see that we are dealing with proactive and talented people, but within the elite, there are also many people who have excessive faith in their exceptionalism and supremacy over the rest of the world. Of course, it is their right to think what they want. But can they count? Probably they can. So let them calculate the range and speed of our future arms systems. This is all we are asking: just do the maths first and take decisions that create additional serious threats to our country afterwards. It goes without saying that these decisions will prompt Russia to respond in order to ensure its security in a reliable and unconditional manner.
我们可以看到,我们正在处理的是积极主动和有才华的人,但在精英阶层中,也有许多人对他们的单边主义和霸权有过多的信心,超过世界其他地方。当然,他们有权思考自己想要什么。但他们能数数吗?也许他们可以。所以让他们计算一下我们未来武器系统的范围和速度。这就是我们所要求的:先做数学,然后做出对我们国家造成额外严重威胁的决定。不言而喻,这些决定将促使俄罗斯作出回应,以可靠和无条件的方式确保俄罗斯的安全。

I have already said this, and I will repeat that we are ready to engage in disarmament talks, but we will not knock on a locked door anymore. We will wait until our partners are ready and become aware of the need for dialogue on this matter.
我已经说过了,我要重申,我们已经准备好进行裁军谈判,但我们不会再敲开一扇锁着的门了。我们将等到我们的合作伙伴准备就绪,并意识到就这一问题进行对话的必要性。

We continue developing our Armed Forces and improving the intensity and quality of combat training, in part, using the experience we gained in the anti-terrorist operation in Syria. Much experience was gained by practically all the commanders of the Ground Forces, by covert operations forces and military police, warship crews, army, tactical, and strategic and military transport aviation.
我们继续发展我们的武装力量,提高战斗训练的强度和质量,部分利用我们在叙利亚反恐行动中取得的经验。几乎所有地面部队指挥官、秘密行动部队和宪兵、军舰船员、陆军、战术、战略和军事运输航空都获得了许多经验。

I would like to emphasise again that we need peace for sustainable long-term development. Our efforts to enhance our defence capability are for only one purpose: to ensure the security of this country and our citizens so that nobody would even consider pressuring us, or launching an aggression against us.
我想再次强调,我们需要和平来实现可持续的长期发展。我们增强防御能力的努力只有一个目的:确保我们国家和我们公民的安全,这样就没有人会考虑给我们施压,或者对我们发动侵略。

Colleagues, we are facing ambitious goals. We are approaching solutions in a systematic and consistent way, building a model of socio-economic development that will allow us to ensure the best conditions for the self-fulfillment of our people and, hence, provide befitting answers to the challenges of a rapidly changing world, and preserve Russia as a civilisation with its own identity, rooted in centuries-long traditions and the culture of our people, our values and customs. Naturally, we will only be able to achieve our goals by pooling our efforts, together in a united society, if all of us, all citizens of Russia, are willing to succeed in specific endeavours.
同事们,我们正面临着雄心勃勃的目标。我们正在以系统和一致的方式接近解决方案,建立一个社会经济发展模式,使我们能够确保人民自我实现的最佳条件,从而为迅速变化的世界的挑战提供合适的答案,并将俄罗斯作为一个具有自己身份的文明,扎根于我们人民悠久的传统和文化,我们的价值观和习俗。当然,如果我们所有人,所有俄罗斯公民都愿意在特定的努力中取得成功,我们只有在一个团结的社会中共同努力,才能实现我们的目标。

Such solidarity in striving for change is always the deliberate choice of the people themselves. They make this choice when they understand that national development depends on them, on the results of their labour, when a desire to be needed and useful enjoys support, when everyone finds a job by vocation one is happy with, and most importantly, when there is justice and a vast space for freedom and equal opportunity for work, study, initiative and innovation.
这种为变革而奋斗的团结,一直是人们自己深思熟虑的选择。当他们知道国家的发展取决于他们,取决于他们的劳动成果,当需要和有用的愿望得到支持,当每个人都能找到一份工作时,最重要的是,当有正义和广阔的自由空间和平等的工作、学习创业和创新机会时,他们就做出了这样的选择。

These parameters for development breakthroughs cannot be translated into figures or indicators, but it is these things – a unified society, people being involved in the affairs of their country, and a common confidence in our power – that play the main role in reaching success. And we will achieve this success by any means necessary.
发展突破的这些参数不能转化为数字或指标,但正是这些因素——一个统一的社会,参与本国事务的人,以及对我们力量的共同信心——在取得成功方面发挥了主要作用。我们将以任何必要的方式取得这一成功。

Thank you for your attention.
谢谢你的关注。

The National Anthem of the Russian Federation is played.
播放俄罗斯联邦国歌。

 INVITATION TO THE INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION
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FOR THE 70TH ANNIVERSARY OF NATO

约成立70周年纪念



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Wednesday, February 27, 2019

FR -- VLADIMIR POUTINE -- Extrait du Discours Présidentiel devant l’Assemblée Fédérale











Le président de la Russie a fait une déclaration lors de l’Assemblée Fédérale. La cérémonie a eu lieu à Gosny Dvor.
13:30
Moscou, le 20 février 2019 , 13:30

Président de la Russie, Vladimir Poutine:

Collègues, la Russie a toujours été un état souverain et indépendant et le restera. C’est un prérequis. Ce sera cela, ou bien elle cessera d’exister tout simplement. Nous devons clairement comprendre cela. Sans la souveraineté, la Russie ne peut pas être un état. Certains pays peuvent le faire, mais pas la Russie.

Créer des relations avec la Russie signifie travailler ensemble pour trouver des solutions concernant les sujets les plus complexes au lieu d’essayer d’imposer des solutions. Nous n’en faisons pas mystère dans les priorités de nos affaires étrangères. Cela inclut de renforcer la confiance pour contrecarrer les menaces mondiales, en faisant la promotion de la coopération dans l’économie et le commerce, l’éducation, la culture, les sciences et la technologie, tout en facilitant l’approche créant des liens par les contacts entre les gens. Ces principes soutiennent notre travail au sein de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, du Commonwealth des Etats Indépendants, aussi bien que du G20, des pays BRICS et de l’organisation de coopération de Shanghai.

Nous croyons en l’importance d’une coopération plus étroite avec les états de L’Union de la Russie, la Biélorussie, y compris d’une approche de la politique étrangère et de la coordination économique. Ensemble avec nos partenaires de l’intégration au sein de l’Union des pays de l’Eurasie, nous allons continuer de créer des marchés communs et coordonner nos efforts. Cela inclut la mise en œuvre de décisions afin de coordonner les activités de l’EAEU avec la Chine notamment sur le projet OBOR (la route de la soie, La Ceinture la Route) en direction d’un plus grand partenariat Eurasien.

Les relations équilibrées aux avantages mutuels actuels de la Russie avec la Chine constituent un facteur de stabilité dans les affaires internationales et en termes de sécurité en Eurasie, offrant un modèle productif de la coopération économique. La Russie attache de l’importance à la réalisation du potentiel dans ses relations privilégiées et stratégiques avec l’Inde. Nous continuerons à promouvoir le dialogue politique et la coopération économique avec le Japon. La Russie se tient prête à travailler avec le Japon pour trouver les termes mutuellement acceptables pour la signature d’un traité de paix. Nous avons l’intention de promouvoir plus en profondeur les liens avec l’Association des Nations de l’Asie du Sud Est (ASEAN).

Nous espérons aussi que l’Union Européenne et les principaux pays Européens prendront finalement les initiatives permettant de remettre en ordre les relations politiques et économiques avec la Russie. Les peuples de ces pays sont prêts à coopérer avec la Russie, ce qui inclut les multinationales, les PME (petites et moyennes entreprises), et les entreprises Européennes en général. Il va sans dire que ceci servirait à promouvoir nos intérêts communs.

Le retrait unilatéral du traité sur les forces nucléaires à portée intermédiaire par les Etats-Unis, est le plus urgent, et le problème qui fait débat dans les relations Russo-Américaines. C’est pourquoi, je suis forcé d’en parler avec plus de détails. En effet, de sérieux changements ont eu lieu dans le monde depuis que le traité a été signé en 1987. Beaucoup de pays ont développé et continuent de développer ce type d’armement, mais pas la Russie, ni les Etats-Unis – Nous nous sommes nous-mêmes limités dans ce domaine par notre propre libre arbitre. Bien entendu cette situation pose des problèmes. Nos partenaires Américains auraient dû le dire honnêtement, plutôt que de porter des accusations tirées par les cheveux contre la Russie pour justifier leur retrait unilatéral de ce traité.

Il aurait mieux valu qu’ils procèdent comme ils l’ont fait en 2002 lorsqu’ils se sont retirés du traité ABM et ils l’ont fait ouvertement et en toute honnêteté. Que cela ait été une bonne chose ou pas, est une autre histoire. Je pense que c’était une mauvaise chose, mais ils l’ont fait. Ils auraient dû faire la même chose cette fois-ci, également. Que font-ils en réalité ? Premièrement ils transgressent tout, et ensuite ils cherchent des prétextes et désignent un tiers comme coupable. Mais ils mobilisent leurs satellites qui agissent avec précaution, mais font toujours du tapage en soutien des Etats-Unis. Au début, les Américains ont commencé à développer et à utiliser des missiles de moyenne portée, en les appelant discrétionnairement « missiles cibles » pour des missiles de défense. Ensuite ils ont commencé à déployer des systèmes de lancement universels MK-41 qui peuvent rendre possible l’utilisation offensive de missiles de croisière Tomahawk de moyenne portée.

Je vous parle de cela en prenant mon temps et le vôtre, parce que nous devons répondre de ces accusations, qui nous sont adressées. Mais en faisant tout ce que je viens juste de vous décrire auparavant, les Américains ont de façon flagrante, ouvertement ignoré les clauses inclues dans les articles 4 et 6 du traité des forces nucléaires de moyenne portée (INF). Selon l’alinéa 1 Article VI (je cite) « chaque partie devra éliminer toute la gamme de missiles de portée intermédiaire, et les lance-missiles correspondants … de façon à ce qu’aucun de ces missiles et lance-missiles….ne soient détenus par chacune des parties. Le « Paragraphe 1 de l’article VI stipule que (et je cite) « à la date de mise en œuvre de ce traité et après, aucune des parties ne peut produire ou réaliser des tests de lancement de missiles intermédiaires, ni produire de quelconques éléments partiels ou des lance-missiles de ce type de missiles ». Fin de citation.  

En utilisant des missiles cibles de moyenne portée, et en déployant en Roumanie et en Pologne des lanceurs qui sont adaptés au lancement de missiles de croisière Tomahawk, les Etats-Unis ont ouvertement transgressé ces clauses du Traité. Ils l’ont fait depuis un certain temps. Ces lanceurs sont déjà stationnés en Roumanie et rien ne se passe. Il semblerait que rien ne se passe. C’est même très étrange. Mais pour nous ce n’est pas si étrange, mais les gens devraient être capables de le voir et le comprendre.

Comment évaluons-nous la situation dans ce contexte ? Comme je l’ai déjà dit, et je veux le répéter : la Russie n’a pas l’intention – c’est très important, j’insiste exprès – la Russie n’a pas l’intention de déployer ce type de missiles en Europe en premier. Si ceux-ci sont fabriqués et livrés sur le continent Européen et que les Américains ont des projets pour cela, en tout cas, nous n’avons pas entendu le contraire, cela provoquerait des tensions dramatiques pour la sécurité internationale et cela serait considéré comme une menace très grave contre la Russie, parce que certains de ces missiles peuvent atteindre Moscou en moins de 10 à 12 minutes. C’est une menace très grave pour nous. Dans ce cas, alors, nous serions forcés, et j’aimerais insister là-dessus, nous serions forcés de répondre par des contre-mesures équivalentes ou asymétriques. Qu’est-ce que cela signifie ?

Je le dis directement et ouvertement maintenant, de façon à ce que personne ne puisse nous accuser plus tard, afin que cela soit bien clair pour tout le monde au préalable. La Russie serait forcée de créer et déployer des armements qui pourraient être utilisés non seulement dans des régions directement menacées, mais aussi dans des régions comprenant des centres de décision pour les systèmes de missiles qui nous menacent.

Alors qu’est-ce qui est important à cet effet ? Il y a de nouvelles informations. Ces armements correspondraient entièrement à la définition des menaces directes contre la Russie dans leurs spécifications techniques, ce qui inclut les temps de vol jusqu’à ces centres de décision.

Nous savons comment le faire et nous le mettrons en place immédiatement, aussitôt que les menaces contre nous deviendront réelles. Je ne pense pas que nous ayons besoin d’autres provocations irresponsables dans la situation internationale actuelle. Nous ne le voulons pas.

Que pourrais-je ajouter d’autres ? Nos collègues Américains ont déjà essayé d’obtenir une supériorité militaire absolue avec leur projet de missile de défense mondial. Ils doivent cesser de se bercer d’illusions sur eux-mêmes. Notre objectif sera toujours d’être efficient et efficace.

Le travail sur les prototypes prometteurs et les systèmes d’armements dont j’ai parlé dans mon discours de l’année dernière, continue comme prévu et sans interruption. Nous avons lancé la production en série de systèmes Avangard, que j’ai déjà évoqué aujourd’hui. Comme prévu cette année, le premier régiment des troupes de missiles Stratégiques seront équipés avec Avangard. Le missile Intercontinental super-lourd Sarmat d’une puissance inégalée à ce jour, est en train d’être testé. L’arme laser Peresvet et les missiles balistiques supersoniques Kinzhal équipant nos avions ont démontré leurs caractéristiques uniques durant les tests, les missions d’urgence et de combat pendant que le personnel s’entraînait à leur fonctionnement. 

En décembre prochain, tous les missiles Peresvet fournis aux forces armées seront mis en état d’alerte. Nous continuerons à développer l’infrastructure des intercepteurs MiG-31 qui transportent les missiles Kinzhal. Le missile de croisière nucléaire Burevestnik d’une portée illimitée, et le sous-marin Poséidon à propulsion nucléaire sans pilote d’une autonomie illimitée sont en train de réussir tous les tests actuels.

Dans ce contexte j’aimerais faire une déclaration importante. Nous ne l’avions pas annoncé auparavant, mais aujourd’hui nous pouvons dire que dès le printemps le premier sous-marin nucléaire sans pilote sera lancé. Le travail suit son cours comme prévu.

Aujourd’hui, je pense que je peux officiellement vous informer d’une autre innovation prometteuse. Comme vous pourriez vous en rappeler, la dernière fois j’ai indiqué que j’en avais un peu plus à vous montrer mais que c’était trop tôt à cette époque-là. Donc je vous révèlerais petit à petit ce que nous avons dans la manche. Une autre innovation prometteuse qui a été développée avec succès selon nos prévisions, le Tsirkon, c’est un missile hypersonique dont la vitesse peut atteindre environ Mach 9 et frapper une cible à plus de 1000 km aussi bien sous l’eau, que sur terre. Il peut être lancé en mer à partir de navires de surface ou par des sous-marins, y compris ceux qui ont été développés et construits pour des missiles de haute-précision Kalibr, ce qui signifie que cela ne génère pas de coût supplémentaire pour nous.

A cette fin, je souligne que pour la défense de la Russie et ses intérêts nationaux, avec deux ou trois ans d’avance sur le calendrier établi par le programme d’armement de l’état, la marine Russe recevra sept nouveaux sous-marins polyvalents, et la construction de cinq nouveaux navires de surface de pleine mer débutera prochainement. Seize autres vaisseaux du même type entreront en service dans la marine Russe vers 2027.

Pour conclure, concernant le retrait unilatéral par les Etats-Unis du traité sur les forces nucléaires à portée intermédiaire et des missiles à courte portée, voilà ce que j’aimerais dire. Ces dernières années, la politique américaine envers la Russie est loin de ce que l’on peut appeler amicale. Les intérêts légitimes de la Russie ont été ignorés, il y a une campagne antirusse constante, et de plus en plus de sanctions, qui sont illégales au regard du droit international, lesquelles sont imposées sans raisons aucunes. Permettez-moi d’insister sur le fait que nous n’avions rien fait pour provoquer lesdites sanctions. L’architecture de la sécurité internationale qui a vu le jour au cours des dernières décennies a été complètement et unilatéralement démantelée, tout en désignant la Russie comme étant la menace principale contre les Etats-Unis d’Amérique.

Laissez-moi-vous dire directement, que cela n’est pas vrai. La Russie a des relations cordiales, égales et amicales avec les Etats-Unis. La Russie ne menace personne, et tout ce que nous faisons en ce qui concerne la sécurité est simplement une réaction, ce qui signifie que nos actes sont défensifs. Nous ne sommes pas intéressés par la confrontation, et nous ne la voulons pas, en particulier avec une puissance mondiale comme les Etats-Unis d’Amérique. Cependant, il semble que nos partenaires n’aient pas compris la profondeur et la vitesse du changement dans le monde et où il nous mène. Ils poursuivent leur politique destructrice et clairement erronée. Cela ne saurait correspondre aux intérêts des Etats-Unis eux-mêmes. Mais ce n’est pas à nous d’en décider.

Nous pouvons constater, que nous sommes en train de traiter avec des gens proactifs et talentueux, mais au sein de l’élite, il y a aussi beaucoup de gens qui ont une confiance excessive dans leur statut d’exception et de suprématie sur le reste du monde. Bien sûr c’est leur droit de penser ce qu’ils veulent. Mais savent-ils compter ? Ils le savent probablement. Donc laissons-les calculer la gamme et la vitesse de nos futurs systèmes d’armement. C’est tout ce que nous demandons : Faites vos calculs d’abord, et prenez les décisions qui créent des menaces supplémentaires pour notre pays après. Il va sans dire que ces décisions conduiront la Russie à réagir de façon à assurer sa sécurité d’une manière fiable et sans conditions.

J’ai déjà dit cela, et je répèterais que nous sommes prêts à engager des pourparlers sur le désarmement, mais nous ne frapperons plus à une porte verrouillée. Nous attendrons jusqu’à ce que nos partenaires soient prêts et qu’ils prennent conscience du besoin de dialoguer sur ce sujet.

Nous continuons à développer nos Forces Armées et à améliorer l’intensité et la qualité de notre entraînement au combat, en utilisant en partie l’expérience que nous avons acquise dans les opérations anti-terroristes en Syrie. Beaucoup d’expériences ont été acquises pratiquement par tous les commandants de nos forces terrestres, par nos opérations secrètes, la police militaire, nos équipages de navires de guerre, l’armée,  l’aviation tactique, stratégique et du transport militaire.

Je voudrais insister à nouveau sur le fait que nous avons besoin de paix pour un développement durable à long terme. Nos efforts pour améliorer nos capacités de défense sont le fruit d’un unique objectif : garantir la sécurité de ce pays et de nos citoyens de manière à ce que personne ne puisse même envisager de faire pression sur nous, ou de lancer une agression contre nous.

Chers collègues, nous faisons face à des objectifs ambitieux. Nous nous rapprochons de solutions systématiques et cohérentes, et nous construisons un modèle de développement socio-économique qui nous permettra de garantir les meilleures conditions de vie pour l’épanouissement personnel de notre population et donc en apportant les réponses adaptées aux exigences d’un monde en rapide évolution, préservant ainsi la Russie en tant que civilisation avec sa propre identité, enracinée dans des siècles de traditions et de culture de notre peuple, de nos valeurs et nos coutumes. Naturellement, nous serons seulement aptes à accomplir notre objectif en associant nos efforts dans une société unie et, si chacun d’entre nous, tous les citoyens de la Russie, sont prêts à réussir dans ce projet particulier.

Ce genre de solidarité dans la lutte pour le changement est toujours un choix délibéré des gens eux-mêmes. Ils font ce choix lorsqu’ils comprennent que le développement national dépend d’eux, notamment sur les performances de leur travail lorsque la volonté de se rendre nécessaire et utile emporte l’adhésion, lorsque chacun trouve un travail par vocation qui le satisfait, et plus important encore, lorsqu’il y a une justice et un espace assez vaste de liberté, et d’opportunité à égalité pour le travail, les études, l’esprit d’initiative et l’innovation.

Ces paramètres d’innovation de rupture ne peuvent se traduire dans des chiffres ou des indicateurs, mais plutôt dans ces éléments – une société unie, des gens qui s’engagent dans les affaires de leur pays, et une confiance commune dans notre pouvoir qui joue un rôle principal dans la réussite. Et nous parviendrons à cette réussite, par tous les moyens nécessaires.

Merci de votre attention,

 L'hymne national de la Fédération de la Russie.....

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