The news conference was
broadcast live by Rossiya-1, Rossiya-24, Channel One, NTV television
channels, as well as radio stations Mayak, Vesti FM and Radio
Rossii.
December
19, 2019
16:20
Moscow
2 of 50
Vladimir Putin’s annual news
conference.
President of Russia
Vladimir Putin: Good afternoon,
We are holding our
traditional end-of-year meeting to summarise the year’s results,
to see what we have achieved and what we could not achieve
and why.
I will refrain from
lengthy opening remarks. As I see, there are many people who would
like to ask their questions, and during today’s discussion, today’s
meeting, I will try to use these questions to talk more about
what is happening in our country and how.
Thank you for your keen
interest in such meetings. Let us begin.
Please.
Presidential Press Secretary
Dmitry Peskov: Thank you, Mr President.
Traditionally we give
priority to the ‘veterans’ of the Kremlin pool
of journalists, who have covered the President’s work for many
years. I will continue this tradition.
Valery Sanfirov, Mayak.
Please, pass the microphone.
Valery Sanfirov: Hello,
Mr President. Valery Sanfirov, Mayak radio station.
Initially, I had
a different question, but I changed my mind when I heard
today’s weather forecast: there will be no snow until the end
of December. And I wondered where you would tape your New Year
address to the nation.
My question is not
about the New Year tree but about climate change. Everyone is talking
about it, but it looks as if nobody knows what to do about it. What
are the risks? How can climate change damage Russia?
One more thing: Russia has
joined the Paris Agreement this year, if I am not mistaken
(the Government has adopted a resolution to this effect). Under
the agreement, Russia must reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 25–30
percent by 2030.
However, you said
at the recent VTB Russia Calling! forum that we would reduce
the emissions by as much as 60 percent by that
deadline. I wonder if you have made your first mistake or if you have
something special in mind.
Thank you.
Vladimir Putin: You
have trapped me, you really have.
Indeed, Russia has joined
the Paris Agreement. In fact, we announced our intention to do
this much earlier, but this year we have formalised our decision
by adopting a Government resolution. It does mention the reduction
of 25–30 percent compared to the base year 1990. This is what
all countries, including EU member states, do, they compare their reductions
to 1990 or use it as the base year.
But if… How can I get
out of your trap? If we take [the base figure] as 100 percent
and subtract 30 percent from it, the remaining figure will be 70
percent, and bearing in mind the absorption capacity of our
forests, the ultimate figure will be 60 percent of the base
figure. Let us assume that this is what I had in mind. This is my first
argument.
The President went to Siberia before his birthday.
October 7, 2019
09:00
Vladimir Putin took short break in Siberia.
In the company of Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu Vladimir
Putin walked through a Siberian forest picking mushrooms, then drove
an off road vehicle across the taiga. The President also climbed
to the top of a mountain to admire
the surrounding landscape and the Yenisei River. During one
of their stops, Vladimir Putin and Sergei Shoigu had a picnic
by a fire.
Vladimir Putin plans to spend his birthday outdoors with family
and friends.
Vladimir Putin attended
the plenary session of the Eastern Economic Forum.
Invitations to the forum
have been sent to foreign heads of state and government,
the heads of major Russian and foreign companies, as well
as leading politicians and experts.
The theme
of the forum is The Far East – Development Horizons.
* * *
Excerpts from transcript
of plenary session of the Eastern Economic Forum
President of Russia Vladimir
Putin: President Battulga, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Prime Minister
Mahathir Bin Mohamad, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe,
Ladies and gentlemen, friends,
First of all, I would
like to address our foreign guests, both leaders
of the countries represented here and our foreign partners
in the audience. Thank you for showing so much respect
for Russia, and for your interest in developing relations
between our countries.
I hope, I am certain that
our work during this forum will be most productive and rewarding
for everybody here. I am happy to welcome you all
to the Eastern Economic Forum.
It is the fifth time that
Vladivostok, the capital of Primorye Territory and now
of the entire Far Eastern Federal District of Russia, has
brought together heads of major Asia-Pacific states, the largest
investors, business people, representatives of the public and expert
communities.
This year we are hosting over 8,500
participants from 65 countries. Since the first forum, representation has
increased more than twofold. We believe this is a convincing indication
of the growing interest in the Russian Far East
and the cooperation opportunities offered by this truly colossal
region.
The power and competitive
advantages of the Far East lie in its talented, hard-working
and energetic people, educated and ambitious youth, in new
centres of research, industrial growth, and industries
of the future.
Its power is in rich natural
resources, enormous logistics potential such as the Northern Sea
Route and other trans-Eurasian routes. Last but not least, its power is
in its proximity to rapidly-developing economies and the world’s
most dynamic region, the Asia-Pacific.
It is hardly surprising that, while
mapping out a long-term strategy for the development
of the Russian Far East in the mid-2000s, some 15 years
ago, we opted for the region’s maximal openness and its close
integration in the economic, transport, educational
and humanitarian space of the APR and, in a greater
scheme of things, the world at large. We made it our priority
to promote international and cross-border cooperation as well
as investment and technological partnerships, which implies creating
new opportunities, primarily for Russian citizens, their life
and work.
In fact, this was
a radical, historic turning point. Let me remind you that many Far Eastern
territories, including the city of Vladivostok, where we are now,
were mostly used for military purposes and had an off-limits
status in the early 20th century,
in the middle of the 20th century,
and later during the Cold War.
This certainly had an impact
on the development of these regions. Properly speaking, there
was practically no development in the social and economic sense
of the word.
To reiterate,
the situation has changed radically over the past years and we
are proud that the Russian Far East has become a symbol
of openness for the whole country, a symbol
of innovation and resolve in lifting all sorts of barriers
to business and human contacts.
Of course, we are aware that
this result would have hardly been possible were it not
for the effort to enhance an atmosphere of trust
and constructive cooperation in the APR as a whole. We
are interested in promoting these positive trends to make
the region we share safe and stable.
Our relations with India, China,
the Republic of Korea, Malaysia, Mongolia, Japan and other APR
countries are based on the principles of respect and honest
dialogue. I am confident that these relations are showing great promise
concordant with the growing role that the Asia Pacific Region is due
to play in the coming decades. I think that our esteemed
foreign guests present here, our friends, agree with this.
Following his talks with Chairman
of the State Affairs Commission of the Democratic People’s
Republic of Korea Kim Jong-un, Vladimir Putin answered media questions.
April
25, 2019
12:45
Russky
Island, Vladivostok
1 of 6
News conference following
Russian-North Korean talks.
President of Russia Vladimir
Putin: Good afternoon,
I suggest that we go straight
to questions and answers. I will try to answer your
questions. Go ahead, please.
Question: Mr President, this was your
first meeting with Kim Jong-un. There is significant interest towards him
as a person around the world. Could you share with us your
impressions about him as a person and a politician,
and whether you are satisfied with the outcomes
of the talks?
Vladimir Putin: Yes,
my colleagues and I are all satisfied with the outcomes
of the talks. Chairman Kim Jong-un is quite an open person
and speaks freely. We had a very detailed conversation on all
items on our agenda and discussed them in various aspects,
including bilateral relations, sanctions, United Nations, relations with
the United States, and, of course, the denuclearisation
of the Korean Peninsula, which is the main subject. I can
confirm that he is quite an interesting and substantive interlocutor.
Question: Mr President, coming out
of these talks, what in your opinion are the real prospects
for denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula and for Pyongyang
and Seoul to improve their relations? What needs to be done
to achieve this? What steps need to be taken and what barriers
will have to be overcome? What prevents the parties from reaching
common ground?
Vladimir Putin: The most
important thing, as we have discussed today during the talks, is
to restore the rule of international law and revert
to the position where global developments were regulated
by international law instead of the rule of force. If this
happens, this would be the first and critical step toward resolving
challenging situations such as the one on the Korean
Peninsula.
So, what is denuclearisation all
about? It implies North Korea’s disarmament to a certain extent.
Naturally (I have noted this on numerous occasions and can
confirm this once again), the North Korean side is also talking about
this. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea needs guarantees
of its security and sovereignty.
But what guarantees can there be,
except those based on international law? We can think about international
guarantees, and this would probably be correct. But these guarantees also
lie in the sphere of international law. Therefore we will not
invent anything new here.
How substantial will these guarantees
be, and to what extent will they meet the interests
of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea? It is still too
early to talk about this today, but it is necessary to take
the first steps towards strengthening trust. To my mind, this
seems possible on the whole.
It was possible as far back
as 2005, when the United States and North Korea signed
the relevant treaty and agreement. For some reason, our American
partners suddenly decided that the provisions stipulated
and coordinated by the United States were not exhaustive,
and that it was necessary to add something else there. These aspects
were included in the treaty, and North Korea immediately
withdrew from it.
If we act like this, and if we
take one step forward and two backwards, then we would fail
to achieve the desired result. But it will eventually be possible
to achieve this goal, if we move forward gradually and if we respect
each other’s interests (here I am talking about all the parties
involved in resolving the North Korean problem
or the denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula), if we move
ahead carefully, and if we respect each other and each other’s
interests.
Question: Could you please tell
us if you are planning to inform Donald Trump of today’s meeting
or discuss the results of the talks with your other
colleagues, due to gather in Beijing tomorrow? To what extent do
Russia’s and US efforts correlate on the Korean track,
and do the interests of our countries regarding
the situation around the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea
coincide?
Vladimir Putin: They coincide
in some respects.
Of course, I will certainly
speak with the leadership of the People’s Republic of China
in Beijing tomorrow. But we will also discuss this matter and today’s
meeting with US leadership in the same open and candid manner.
There are no secrets here; Russia always voices an open position, there
are no conspiracies. Moreover, Chairman Kim Jong-un himself asked us
to inform the US side about his position, about his questions arising
in connection with processes on the Korean Peninsula
and everything taking place around this. Therefore, I repeat, there
are no secrets here. We will also discuss this with the Americans
and our Chinese friends.
Regarding your question
as to whether our interests coincide with those
of the United States on this issue, I can say that this is
also true. For example, we advocate complete denuclearisation: this is
a fact.Actually, we completely oppose the global proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction. And that is why
a considerable share of steps within the framework
of the United Nations is being coordinated. True, we will not conceal
the fact that the sides often wrangle over specific clauses while
making the decisions, and you know this well. But, naturally, we
prioritise efforts to reduce the threat of nuclear conflicts;
this is our common priority.
But I have the impression
that the North Korean leader also shares this viewpoint. All they need is
national security guarantees. Everyone must think about this together.
Question: During Kim Jong Il’s
rule, Russia planned to build a gas pipeline to South Korea via
North Korea and to upgrade railways in the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea. But many of these projects are
in limbo because Pyongyang now faces sanctions. Did you discuss these
projects with Kim Jong-un? Is the Russian side interested in these
projects today?
Vladimir Putin: I spoke
about this. We have been talking about this matter for many years. This
includes direct railway traffic between South Korea, North Korea
and Russia, including our Trans-Siberian Mainline, opportunities
for laying pipelines – we can talk about both oil and gas,
as well as the possible construction of new power
transmission lines.
All of this is possible.
Moreover, in my opinion, this is also in the interests
of the Republic of Korea, I have always had this
impression. But, apparently, there is a shortage of sovereignty
during the adoption of final decisions, and the Republic
of Korea has certain allied obligations before the United States.
Therefore, everything stops at a certain moment. As I see
it, if these and other similar projects were implemented, this would
create essential conditions for increasing trust, which is vitally needed
to resolve various problems.
North and South Korean railways
have linked up not so long ago. In principle, there is a connection
to Russia already. So far we have been unable to operate trains
there, even in the test mode. We will work on this steadily,
intensively and patiently. I hope that we will be able
to accomplish this someday. The sooner we do this, the better.
Question: Is Kim Jong-un ready
to continue contacts with the United States of America?
And what is the North Korean leader’s mood?
Vladimir Putin: First
of all, he is determined to defend his country’s national interests
and to maintain its security. If North Korea’s partners (I am
talking about the Americans, in the first place) voice
a desire for constructive dialogue, then I believe that it will
eventually prove impossible to do without talks. As I see it,
there is no other way. But you had better ask him about what he can
or cannot agree to.
Question: Has the topic
of North Koreans who work in Russia been raised during
the talks? They are supposed to leave our country, but they do not
want to. Thank you.
Vladimir Putin: Yes, we talked about
this. There are several different options here. There are humanitarian issues,
and there are issues related to the exercising of these
people’s rights. There are smooth, non-confrontational solutions. I must
say that the Koreans work well for us, never giving the local
authorities any trouble. They are very hardworking people, law-abiding
and disciplined. We discussed it.
Question: In the 2000s,
there was a six-party format for mediating the Korean issue,
and the parties even managed to achieve some agreements.
However, for obvious reasons, the format has now been suspended. Do
you think it makes sense to revive it under the current conditions?
Vladimir Putin: I do not know
whether this format should be resumed right now, but I am deeply convinced
that if we reach a situation when we need to work out certain
guarantees for one of the parties, in this case, security
guarantees for the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, then
international guarantees will have to come into the picture. It is
unlikely that agreements between two countries will be enough.
But ultimately, it is up
to the country that it primarily concerns, so it is primarily up
to North Korea. If that country deems guarantees only from the United
States or from its southern neighbour, South Korea, the Republic
of Korea, to be enough – well, good. If this is not enough,
which is more likely, I think, and if we get to that
at all, which we would like very much, then this six-party talks format
will certainly be highly relevant to develop a system
of international security guarantees for North Korea.
Question: Mr President, yesterday you
signed an executive order introducing a fast-track procedure
for issuing Russian passports to Lugansk residents. Are you aware
of the fact that the response around the world and in Ukraine
to this initiative was overwhelmingly negative? By doing so, aren’t
you provoking the country’s new president, Vladimir Zelensky?
Vladimir Putin: Are you saying that
there was a negative response? It is strange when decisions of this
kind are met with a negative response. Let me explain. Poland, for example,
has been issuing identity cards to ethnic Poles for as long
as ten years, I think, since 2009. Hungary and Romania went
as far as give away passports to ethnic Hungarians
and Romanians, respectively.
In this connection there is
a question: are ethnic Russians living in Ukraine worse than
Romanians, Poles or Hungarians, or Ukrainians who live there but feel
an unbreakable bond with Russia due to various circumstances (family
ties, mixed marriages or other considerations)? I do not see anything
extraordinary in this regard.
Moreover, when other countries
neighbouring Ukraine have been doing the same for many years, why
should Russia refrain from taking the same steps, especially since people
living in Donetsk and Lugansk republics are in a much more
challenging situation than the ethnic Poles, Romanians and Hungarians
living in Ukraine? In fact, they face a lot of hardship.
They are deprived of the most basic human rights, for example
in education. They even have problems moving around Ukraine or third
countries, and even in Russia. Sometimes they cannot even buy
a plane or train ticket. This is beyond all reason.
As for provoking anyone,
the government and I personally are far from provoking anyone.
The question of passports is a purely humanitarian issue
and nothing more. As for the current Ukrainian authorities
and those set to replace them, both the outgoing
and the incoming leadership, as far as I know,
and judging by their public statements, have never intended
and will not sign off on an amnesty bill. They do not intend
to recognise the special status of the Lugansk
and Donetsk people’s republics.These are the key provisions
of the Minsk Agreements. This means that they do not intend
to implement the Minsk Agreements.
But what about the people who
live there? Will they be abandoned? Will they continue to live
in complete isolation?After all, it was not Russia that isolated them,
but the Kiev authorities. We were not the ones who did it. This also
directly contradicts the Minsk Agreements. They have not restored
anything, neither the economic ties, nor financial relations. Nothing.
In addition, these people face humanitarian issues. It goes without saying
that we cannot stand by and just let it be this way.
That said, provoking anyone is not
what we are after. If Ukraine’s incoming leadership finds the courage
to implement the Minsk Agreements, we will facilitate these efforts
and will do everything to bring the situation back
to normal in southeast Ukraine.
Question: To continue
on the subject, what is your general assessment
of the election in Ukraine? What do you think about
the development of Russian-Ukrainian relations with the new
President?
Vladimir Putin: I do not
know. It will depend on the policy pursued by Ukraine’s new
political leadership. We want and are ready to restore these
relations in full but we cannot do it unilaterally.
As for my assessment,
what is there to assess? This is a complete failure
of Poroshenko’s policy. Complete and absolute. I am sure that
the new authorities are bound to understand this. They are well aware
of this. Let’s look at their first steps at least. Understanding
is one thing but adopting a realistic policy in the interests
of one’s nation is another.
Question: To continue
the topic of your executive order, Poroshenko is now trying
to rally his partners to convene the UN Security Council.
As for the Western reaction, the term of “territorial
integrity” is being used. Does your executive order concern Ukraine’s territorial
integrity because the President that is still in office qualified it
as an attempt at annexation and formation
of a Russian enclave on Ukrainian territory?
Vladimir Putin: Look, I think
I have already answered this question. When other neighbouring states
issued passports, there were no attempts to submit this question
to the UN Security Council. But why are they being made in this
case? What is the difference? There is none at all. The only
thing is that people living in the Lugansk and Donetsk people’s
republics are in a much worse position. This is a humanitarian
issue. Well, let him submit it and we will discuss it.
At one time Mr Poroshenko
suggested there should be a UN presence on these territories
for protecting and ensuring the security of OSCE observers.
We agreed but our Ukrainian partners instantly rejected the idea. They
demanded more than that, notably, that everything should be transferred
to the UN forces. This is a separate issue and it may be
discussed.However, this is not a desire to resolve the issue
through dialogue with the people who live on these territories. These
are all attempts to bend them in this or that way,
to resolve these issues by using force, either directly
or indirectly, and, in effect to settle the legitimacy
issue with regard to the government produced by the coup
d’état.
Vladimir Putin reuniu-se com os candidatos que
participaram das eleições presidenciais.
19 de Março de 2018
16:20
Kremlin, Moscovo
Presidente da Rússia Vladimir Putin: Boa tarde, colegas.
A campanha eleitoral terminou e eu queria encontrar-me
convosco. Espero que hoje falemos, em primeiro lugar, sobre a campanha, e o
mais importante, sobre o que necessita ser feito para garantir que todos os
elementos positivos (e houve muitos deles durante a campanha eleitoral) sejam
levados em consideração, no futuro trabalho prático nos ramos dos poderes
executivo e legislativo do governo.
Claro
que uma campanha eleitoral é sempre um período especial. Está associada a
emoções especiais e, muitas vezes, elas são bastante esmagadoras. Acontece em
quase todos os lugares e nós não somos uma excepção. O principal é que temos a
oportunidade de unir esforços no futuro, para um trabalho construtivo em
benefício do nosso país.
Reuni-me hoje com os chefes da sede central, os co-presidentes
da minha campanha e quero repetir, mais uma vez, a principal tarefa no trabalho
futuro do poder executivo, será resolver os problemas internos do país. Em
primeiro lugar, significa garantir taxas de crescimento económico, tornando a
inovação parte do caráter da nossa economia, resolvendo questões específicas da
saúde, educação e ciência, além de garantir a prosperidade do nosso povo, com
base nesses elementos.
Este é o objetivo final de qualquer governo na Rússia;
não é nada original e, além do mais - a propósito, quase todos vós observaram
nas vossas campanhas - temos o problema de uma lacuna entre os que ganham
muito, que têm grandes rendimentos e os que vivem humildemente, para dizer o
mínimo . O Estado deve fechar essa lacuna e, como disse muitas vezes, reduzir o
número de pessoas que vivem abaixo da linha de pobreza, especialmente as que
têm emprego. O tipo de situação em que alguém trabalha, mas recebe um pagamento
miserável, não deve ser permitido na Rússia.
Obviamente, devemos e teremos de prestar a atenção
necessária para fortalecer ainda mais a capacidade de defesa do país. Mas deixem-me
dizer-vos que ninguém vai começar uma corrida de armamentos. Pelo contrário,
vamos procurar criar relações construtivas com todos os países do mundo. Pretendemos
um diálogo construtivo, sem dúvida, e incentivar est processo entre os nossos
parceiros.
Mas, é evidente que nem tudo depende de nós. Deve haver
interesse de ambos as partes, como no amor, ou não haverá amor. No entanto,
nós, do nosso lado, faremos todo o possível por resolver todos os atritos com
os nossos parceiros, através dos meios políticos e diplomáticos. Além do mais,
de facto, a nossa posição sempre foi e sempre será, lutarmos para defender os
nossos interesses nacionais. O nosso pressuposto operacional é de fazermos todo
esse trabalho com os nossos parceiros, numa base mutuamente aceitável,
mostrando respeito uns pelos outros e pelos nossos interesses nacionais.
Quanto às despesas militares. Existem reduções já planeadas,
nas despesas da defesa, neste ano e no próximo. Não irá causar nenhum problema
à nossa capacidade de defesa, porque as principais despesas com a criação de
sistemas de armas de ponta foram feitas nos anos anteriores. Temos de
encaminhar alguns assuntos para uma conclusão lógica e continuar com os projectos
actuais, dos quais ainda não falei. Executamos todos os cálculos. O dinheiro
que vamos colocar para este fim será suficiente, não haverá aumentos, e não
vamos permitir uma nova corrida armamentista. Nós temos tudo, neste sentido,
estamos bem fornecidos. No entanto, vamos continuar com os nossos objectivos de
forma constante e de acordo com o plano.
É o que gostaria de me concentrar no final do meu
monólogo. Falei sobre este ponto, no comício de ontem, se tiveram tempo de
assistir e se tomaram conhecimento. Penso que é crucial unir os esforços de
todos os partidos políticos, organizações civis, o público no sentido mais
amplo da palavra, unir os nossos esforços em torno de um programa positivo,
resolver as tarefas que o país enfrenta e superar os desafios que a Rússia tem
pela frente. Podem não haver soluções simples; podem exigir explicações adicionais.
Espero, literalmente, que sejamos sempre guiados pelos
interesses a longo prazo da Rússia e do povo russo, colocando as preferências
do grupo ou do partido em segundo lugar.
Compreendo que não é fácil, há sempre a tentação de
analisar certas decisões tomadas pelo governo que exigem explicações públicas
adicionais. Mas aconselho-vos a participarem num diálogo aberto e honesto, que
promova os interesses nacionais a longo prazo.
É sobre estes pontos que eu queria começar. Vamos
discutir as nossas idéias sobre o que precisamos fazer juntos, a fim de
resolver os problemas que o país enfrenta.
Vladimir Putin extended his birthday greetings
to Mikhail Gorbachev, President of the International Foundation
for Socio-Economic and Political Studies.
March 2, 2019
16:00
The message reads, in part,
“You are known both in our country
and abroad as a respected statesman and public figure with
tremendous professional and life experience.
It is gratifying that you have not moved
to the sidelines, but are actively engaged in expert discussions
on key issues of the international agenda and make
a significant contribution to developing open substantive dialogue
on crucial contemporary matters.
Le président de la Russie a fait une
déclaration lors de l’Assemblée Fédérale. La cérémonie a eu lieu à Gosny Dvor.
13:30
Moscou, le 20
février 2019 , 13:30
Président de la Russie, Vladimir Poutine:
Collègues, la Russie a toujours été un état souverain et indépendant et le
restera. C’est un prérequis. Ce sera cela, ou bien elle cessera d’exister tout
simplement. Nous devons clairement comprendre cela. Sans la souveraineté, la
Russie ne peut pas être un état. Certains pays peuvent le faire, mais pas la
Russie.
Créer des relations avec la Russie signifie
travailler ensemble pour trouver des solutions concernant les sujets les plus
complexes au lieu d’essayer d’imposer des solutions. Nous n’en faisons pas mystère
dans les priorités de nos affaires étrangères. Cela inclut de renforcer la
confiance pour contrecarrer les menaces mondiales, en faisant la promotion de
la coopération dans l’économie et le commerce, l’éducation, la culture, les
sciences et la technologie, tout en facilitant l’approche créant des liens par
les contacts entre les gens. Ces principes soutiennent notre travail au sein de
l’Organisation des Nations Unies, du Commonwealth des Etats Indépendants, aussi
bien que du G20, des pays BRICS et de l’organisation de coopération de Shanghai.
Nous croyons en l’importance d’une
coopération plus étroite avec les états de L’Union de la Russie, la Biélorussie,
y compris d’une approche de la politique étrangère et de la coordination
économique. Ensemble avec nos partenaires de l’intégration au sein de l’Union
des pays de l’Eurasie, nous allons continuer de créer des marchés communs et
coordonner nos efforts. Cela inclut la mise en œuvre de décisions afin de
coordonner les activités de l’EAEU avec la Chine notamment sur le projet OBOR
(la route de la soie, La Ceinture la Route) en direction d’un plus grand
partenariat Eurasien.
Les relations équilibrées aux avantages
mutuels actuels de la Russie avec la Chine
constituent un facteur de stabilité dans les affaires internationales et en
termes de sécurité en Eurasie, offrant un modèle productif de la coopération
économique. La Russie attache de l’importance à la réalisation du potentiel
dans ses relations privilégiées et stratégiques avec l’Inde. Nous continuerons à promouvoir le dialogue politique et la
coopération économique avec le Japon.
La Russie se tient prête à travailler avec le Japon pour trouver les termes
mutuellement acceptables pour la signature d’un traité de paix. Nous avons
l’intention de promouvoir plus en profondeur les liens avec l’Association des
Nations de l’Asie du Sud Est (ASEAN).
Nous espérons aussi que l’Union Européenne
et les principaux pays Européens prendront finalement les initiatives
permettant de remettre en ordre les relations politiques et économiques avec la
Russie. Les peuples de ces pays sont prêts à coopérer avec la Russie, ce qui
inclut les multinationales, les PME (petites et moyennes entreprises), et les entreprises
Européennes en général. Il va sans dire que ceci servirait à promouvoir nos intérêts
communs.
Le retrait unilatéral du traité sur les
forces nucléaires à portée intermédiaire par les Etats-Unis, est le plus
urgent, et le problème qui fait débat dans les relations Russo-Américaines. C’est pourquoi,
je suis forcé d’en parler avec plus de détails. En effet, de sérieux
changements ont eu lieu dans le monde depuis que le traité a été signé en 1987.
Beaucoup de pays ont développé et continuent de développer ce type d’armement,
mais pas la Russie, ni les Etats-Unis – Nous nous sommes nous-mêmes limités
dans ce domaine par notre propre libre arbitre. Bien entendu cette situation
pose des problèmes. Nos partenaires Américains auraient dû le dire honnêtement,
plutôt que de porter des accusations tirées par les cheveux contre la Russie
pour justifier leur retrait unilatéral de ce traité.
Il aurait mieux valu qu’ils procèdent comme
ils l’ont fait en 2002 lorsqu’ils se sont retirés du traité ABM et ils l’ont
fait ouvertement et en toute honnêteté. Que cela ait été une bonne chose ou
pas, est une autre histoire. Je pense que c’était une mauvaise chose, mais ils
l’ont fait. Ils auraient dû faire la
même chose cette fois-ci, également. Que font-ils en réalité ? Premièrement
ils transgressent tout, et ensuite ils cherchent des prétextes et désignent un
tiers comme coupable. Mais ils mobilisent leurs satellites qui agissent avec
précaution, mais font toujours du tapage en soutien des Etats-Unis. Au début, les Américains ont commencé à développer
et à utiliser des missiles de moyenne portée, en les appelant discrétionnairement
« missiles cibles » pour des missiles de défense. Ensuite ils ont
commencé à déployer des systèmes de lancement universels MK-41 qui peuvent
rendre possible l’utilisation offensive de missiles de croisière Tomahawk de
moyenne portée.
Je vous parle de cela en prenant mon temps
et le vôtre, parce que nous devons répondre de ces accusations, qui nous sont adressées.
Mais en faisant tout ce que je viens
juste de vous décrire auparavant, les Américains ont de façon flagrante, ouvertement
ignoré les clauses inclues dans les articles 4 et 6 du traité des forces
nucléaires de moyenne portée (INF). Selon l’alinéa 1 Article VI (je cite)
« chaque partie devra éliminer toute la gamme de missiles de portée
intermédiaire, et les lance-missiles correspondants … de façon à ce qu’aucun de
ces missiles et lance-missiles….ne soient détenus par chacune des parties. Le « Paragraphe
1 de l’article VI stipule que (et je cite) « à la date de mise en œuvre de
ce traité et après, aucune des parties ne peut produire ou réaliser des tests
de lancement de missiles intermédiaires, ni produire de quelconques éléments
partiels ou des lance-missiles de ce type de missiles ». Fin de citation.
En utilisant des missiles cibles de moyenne portée, et en déployant en
Roumanie et en Pologne des lanceurs qui sont adaptés au lancement de missiles
de croisière Tomahawk, les Etats-Unis ont ouvertement transgressé ces clauses
du Traité. Ils l’ont fait
depuis un certain temps. Ces lanceurs
sont déjà stationnés en Roumanie et rien ne se passe. Il semblerait que rien ne
se passe. C’est même très étrange. Mais pour nous ce n’est pas si étrange, mais
les gens devraient être capables de le voir et le comprendre.
Comment évaluons-nous la situation dans ce contexte ? Comme je l’ai déjà
dit, et je veux le répéter : la Russie n’a pas l’intention – c’est très
important, j’insiste exprès – la Russie n’a pas l’intention de déployer ce type
de missiles en Europe en premier. Si ceux-ci sont fabriqués et livrés sur le
continent Européen et que les Américains ont des projets pour cela, en tout
cas, nous n’avons pas entendu le contraire, cela provoquerait des tensions
dramatiques pour la sécurité internationale et cela serait considéré comme une
menace très grave contre la Russie, parce que certains de ces missiles peuvent
atteindre Moscou en moins de 10 à 12 minutes. C’est une menace très grave pour
nous. Dans ce cas, alors, nous serions forcés, et j’aimerais insister
là-dessus, nous serions forcés de répondre par des contre-mesures équivalentes
ou asymétriques. Qu’est-ce que cela signifie ?
Je le dis directement et ouvertement maintenant, de façon à ce que personne
ne puisse nous accuser plus tard, afin que cela soit bien clair pour tout le
monde au préalable. La Russie serait forcée de créer et déployer des armements
qui pourraient être utilisés non seulement dans des régions directement
menacées, mais aussi dans des régions comprenant des centres de décision pour
les systèmes de missiles qui nous menacent.
Alors qu’est-ce qui est important à cet
effet ? Il y a de nouvelles informations. Ces armements correspondraient
entièrement à la définition des menaces directes contre la Russie dans leurs
spécifications techniques, ce qui inclut les temps de vol jusqu’à ces centres
de décision.
Nous savons comment le faire et nous le
mettrons en place immédiatement, aussitôt que les menaces contre nous deviendront
réelles. Je ne pense pas que nous ayons besoin d’autres provocations
irresponsables dans la situation internationale actuelle. Nous ne le voulons pas.
Que pourrais-je ajouter d’autres ? Nos collègues Américains ont déjà essayé
d’obtenir une supériorité militaire absolue avec leur projet de missile de
défense mondial. Ils doivent cesser de se bercer d’illusions sur eux-mêmes.
Notre objectif sera toujours d’être efficient et efficace.
Le travail sur
les prototypes prometteurs et les systèmes d’armements dont j’ai parlé dans mon
discours de l’année dernière, continue comme prévu et sans interruption. Nous
avons lancé la production en série de systèmes Avangard, que j’ai déjà évoqué
aujourd’hui. Comme prévu cette année, le premier régiment des troupes de missiles
Stratégiques seront équipés avec Avangard. Le missile Intercontinental super-lourd
Sarmat d’une puissance inégalée à ce jour, est en train d’être testé. L’arme laser
Peresvet et les missiles balistiques supersoniques Kinzhal équipant nos avions
ont démontré leurs caractéristiques uniques durant les tests, les missions
d’urgence et de combat pendant que le personnel s’entraînait à leur
fonctionnement.
En décembre prochain, tous les missiles Peresvet fournis aux
forces armées seront mis en état d’alerte. Nous continuerons à développer l’infrastructure
des intercepteurs MiG-31 qui transportent les missiles Kinzhal.Le
missile de croisière nucléaire Burevestnik d’une portée illimitée, et le
sous-marin Poséidon à propulsion nucléaire sans pilote d’une autonomie
illimitée sont en train de réussir tous les tests actuels.
Dans ce contexte j’aimerais faire une déclaration
importante. Nous ne l’avions pas annoncé auparavant, mais aujourd’hui nous
pouvons dire que dès le printemps le premier sous-marin nucléaire sans pilote
sera lancé. Le travail suit son cours comme prévu.
Aujourd’hui, je pense que je peux
officiellement vous informer d’une autre innovation prometteuse. Comme vous
pourriez vous en rappeler, la dernière fois j’ai indiqué que j’en avais un peu
plus à vous montrer mais que c’était trop tôt à cette époque-là. Donc je vous
révèlerais petit à petit ce que nous avons dans la manche. Une autre innovation
prometteuse qui a été développée avec succès selon nos prévisions, le Tsirkon, c’est
un missile hypersonique dont la vitesse peut atteindre environ Mach 9 et
frapper une cible à plus de 1000 km aussi bien sous l’eau, que sur terre. Il peut être lancé en mer à partir de
navires de surface ou par des sous-marins, y compris ceux qui ont été
développés et construits pour des missiles de haute-précision Kalibr, ce qui
signifie que cela ne génère pas de coût supplémentaire pour nous.
A cette fin, je souligne que pour la
défense de la Russie et ses intérêts nationaux, avec deux ou trois ans d’avance
sur le calendrier établi par le programme d’armement de l’état, la marine Russe
recevra sept nouveaux sous-marins polyvalents, et la construction de cinq
nouveaux navires de surface de pleine mer débutera prochainement. Seize autres
vaisseaux du même type entreront en service dans la marine Russe vers 2027.
Pour conclure,
concernant le retrait unilatéral par les Etats-Unis du traité sur les forces
nucléaires à portée intermédiaire et des missiles à courte portée, voilà ce que
j’aimerais dire. Ces dernières années, la politique américaine envers la
Russie est loin de ce que l’on peut appeler amicale. Les intérêts légitimes de
la Russie ont été ignorés, il y a une campagne antirusse constante, et de plus
en plus de sanctions, qui sont illégales au regard du droit international,
lesquelles sont imposées sans raisons aucunes. Permettez-moi d’insister sur le
fait que nous n’avions rien fait pour provoquer lesdites sanctions.
L’architecture de la sécurité internationale qui a vu le jour au cours des
dernières décennies a été complètement et unilatéralement démantelée, tout en désignant
la Russie comme étant la menace principale contre les Etats-Unis d’Amérique.
Laissez-moi-vous dire directement, que cela
n’est pas vrai. La Russie a des relations cordiales, égales et amicales avec
les Etats-Unis. La Russie ne menace personne, et tout ce que nous faisons en ce
qui concerne la sécurité est simplement une réaction, ce qui signifie que nos
actes sont défensifs. Nous ne sommes pas intéressés par la confrontation, et
nous ne la voulons pas, en particulier avec une puissance mondiale comme les
Etats-Unis d’Amérique. Cependant, il semble que nos partenaires n’aient pas
compris la profondeur et la vitesse du changement dans le monde et où il nous mène.
Ils poursuivent leur politique destructrice et clairement erronée. Cela ne
saurait correspondre aux intérêts des Etats-Unis eux-mêmes. Mais ce n’est pas à
nous d’en décider.
Nous pouvonsconstater,
que nous sommes en train de traiter avec des gens proactifs et talentueux, mais
au sein de l’élite, il y a aussi beaucoup de gens qui ont une confiance
excessive dans leur statut d’exception et de suprématie sur le reste du monde. Bien
sûr c’est leur droit de penser ce qu’ils veulent. Mais savent-ils
compter ? Ils le savent probablement. Donc laissons-les calculer la gamme
et la vitesse de nos futurs systèmes d’armement. C’est tout ce que nous
demandons : Faites vos calculs d’abord, et prenez les décisions qui
créent des menaces supplémentaires pour notre pays après. Il va sans dire que
ces décisions conduiront la Russie à réagir de façon à assurer sa sécurité d’une
manière fiable et sans conditions.
J’ai déjà dit cela, et je répèterais que
nous sommes prêts à engager des pourparlers sur le désarmement, mais nous ne
frapperons plus à une porte verrouillée. Nous attendrons jusqu’à ce que nos
partenaires soient prêts et qu’ils prennent conscience du besoin de dialoguer
sur ce sujet.
Nous continuons à
développer nos Forces Armées et à améliorer l’intensité et la qualité de notre
entraînement au combat, en utilisant en partie l’expérience que nous avons acquise
dans les opérations anti-terroristes en Syrie. Beaucoup d’expériences ont été
acquises pratiquement par tous les commandants de nos forces terrestres, par
nos opérations secrètes, la police militaire, nos équipages de navires de
guerre, l’armée, l’aviation tactique,
stratégique et du transport militaire.
Je voudrais insister à nouveau sur le fait
que nous avons besoin de paix pour un développement durable à long terme. Nos efforts pour améliorer nos capacités
de défense sont le fruit d’un unique objectif : garantir la sécurité de ce
pays et de nos citoyens de manière à ce que personne ne puisse même envisager
de faire pression sur nous, ou de lancer une agression contre nous.
Chers collègues, nous faisons face à des
objectifs ambitieux. Nous nous rapprochons de solutions systématiques et
cohérentes, et nous construisons un modèle de développement socio-économique
qui nous permettra de garantir les meilleures conditions de vie pour l’épanouissement
personnel de notre population et donc en apportant les réponses adaptées aux exigences
d’un monde en rapide évolution, préservant ainsi la Russie en tant que
civilisation avec sa propre identité, enracinée dans des siècles de traditions et
de culture de notre peuple, de nos valeurs et nos coutumes. Naturellement, nous
serons seulement aptes à accomplir notre objectif en associant nos efforts dans
une société unie et, si chacun d’entre nous, tous les citoyens de la Russie,
sont prêts à réussir dans ce projet particulier.
Ce genre de solidarité dans la lutte pour
le changement est toujours un choix délibéré des gens eux-mêmes. Ils font ce
choix lorsqu’ils comprennent que le développement national dépend d’eux, notamment
sur les performances de leur travail lorsque la volonté de se rendre nécessaire
et utile emporte l’adhésion, lorsque chacun trouve un travail par vocation qui
le satisfait, et plus important encore, lorsqu’il y a une justice et un espace
assez vaste de liberté, et d’opportunité à égalité pour le travail, les études,
l’esprit d’initiative et l’innovation.
Ces paramètres d’innovation de rupture ne
peuvent se traduire dans des chiffres ou des indicateurs, mais plutôt dans ces
éléments – une société unie, des gens qui s’engagent dans les affaires de leur
pays, et une confiance commune dans notre pouvoir qui joue un rôle principal
dans la réussite. Et nous parviendrons à cette réussite, par tous les moyens
nécessaires.
Merci de votre attention,
L'hymne national de la
Fédération de la Russie.....
